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On Monadology in Our Public Discourse (Column 664)

With God’s help

Disclaimer: This post was translated from Hebrew using AI (ChatGPT 5 Thinking), so there may be inaccuracies or nuances lost. If something seems unclear, please refer to the Hebrew original or contact us for clarification.

In this column I wanted to address the fanaticism that is taking over our discourse, where on each side there are unquestionable dogmas, prohibitions on heresy and on engaging with materials that don’t suit those dogmas (“do not stray”), and on exposure to heretical views that might, heaven forbid, reveal some complexity in the situation. My sense is that over the past two years the situation has escalated, mainly on the secular-left side.

Monadology in a Nutshell

The philosopher Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz saw the human soul as a monad, that is, a unified, closed unit that is not in contact with other monads. Each operates independently, and what appears to be connections between them is not the result of directedness toward one another but of correlations—random or non-random. He viewed these correspondences as God’s action, but argued there is no need to assume He is involved in the process at every moment. In particular this applies to body–soul relations. To illustrate, he offered the parable of the watches. Imagine two clocks that, at every moment, show exactly the same time. How is their correlation produced? Either one influences the other, or the second influences the first, or there is a third factor coordinating them: the watchmaker who built them. This watchmaker is not involved at every moment, but constructed the clocks in such a way that a correlation would arise between them (both move at the same pace according to the hours of the day).

This philosophical theory is, of course, utterly bizarre and full of shortcomings. Beyond its lack of logic and its incompatibility with our common-sense worldview, it is also based on mistakes (some in calculus—which is quite surprising coming from someone considered, together with Newton, to be a founder of the field) and in fact solves none of the problems it purports to solve. Still, the concept of the “monad” seems to me very useful with regard to our public discourse.

A Look at Our Monadic Discourse

We talk and argue with one another, but this is usually an illusion. We behave like monads that do not truly speak to each other. Each is trapped within itself, and what looks to us like discourse is but a (weak) correlation, nothing more. Each monad is composed of people with similar views who echo for one another arguments and facts that reinforce the sacred dogmas of the monad’s priests and their believers, and thus each monad entrenches the absolute sense of righteousness among its members. I have dealt with this more than once regarding social networks (see for example Column 335), but it is also true of traditional media and of social groups in general.

This is a well-known phenomenon among religious groups, and in particular Haredi ones. There a formal prohibition on exposure to other views is customary, based on the verse “do not stray.” There are principles of faith that crystallized over the generations, in which one is ostensibly forbidden to disbelieve. On the (usually baseless) pretext that all of them were received directly from Heaven, they are not subjected to the test of critical thinking, even though their formulators (like Maimonides) actually felt quite free to establish them. I have often pointed out that this is an absurd prohibition, since you cannot limit a person’s freedom of thought and demand that he adopt a given position just because someone decided that this is what he must think (see for example Columns 6, 75, 576, 657, and more). My claim was that such a prohibition does not and cannot exist.

Yet in recent years it has become clear that this phenomenon exists—no less intensely—on the secular-left side of our social–ideological map. Later in the column I’ll bring an example of such a podcast that truly reached inconceivable levels of dogmatism and shallowness, and it is what prompted me to write this column. But we have a daily, obvious example of this: the newspaper Haaretz. It is a tabloid whose main concern is to meticulously and zealously maintain the community of believers and their dogmas. It is Yated Ne’eman on steroids.

I must say that on that side (=the sitra achra) the phenomenon is even more worrying, because there it comes with complete blindness to its very existence. The religious and Haredim are at least aware that they are prohibited from meeting other positions and facts. My feeling is that many of them inwardly also become insecure because of this; they fear encountering other arguments, positions, and facts because they estimate they won’t be able to cope with them. This is a case of positive feedback, where the trend of isolation feeds on itself.

By contrast with the “dosim” with kippot, the “dosim” without kippot—that is, seculars and leftists—operate within a monad no less closed, but they live with a deep self-conviction that they are precisely the ones open to all opinions, arguments, and facts, and that they form positions independently. All the while, in reality we are dealing with a fanatic religious sect in which there is a severe prohibition on raising opinions, facts, and arguments that do not fit the dogmas. A monad in every respect. George Orwell already noted that if one repeats some preposterous mantra enough times, the obedient public will embrace it as unalloyed truth: “War is Peace; Freedom is Slavery; Ignorance is Strength” (from his 1984). Haaretz, for example, is careful to have a token religious-rightist, usually moderate enough (Akiva Novick, Israel Harel, and the like—Gadi Taub, who strayed, was of course booted) who is given a platform from time to time so they can wave him about as a grand expression of their sacred openness and balance. I’m surprised that Yated Ne’eman hasn’t yet hit upon this brilliant idea that allows you to create within your fanatic community the illusion of openness. It’s a powerful fortification for your one-sided ignorance. You’d do well to learn from the very best. I must say: if Bibi and his friends are a “poison machine” (and they are), then those who use this expression are a poison machine on steroids (condemning others for their own flaw).

Let’s now look at a few examples.

The Podcast That Wasn’t Aired

There’s a podcast channel called “Radikal,” whose purpose is to bring the gospel of the far left and its ideas to the knowledge of the ignorant masses. I understand they feel that these ideas are not heard enough in Israeli public discourse and that it’s important to surface them for the audience’s consideration so it can form a position about them. They purport to focus on arguments and intellectual discussion—again, in contrast to the prevailing discourse. I’m not familiar with this channel, though I did now browse a bit among its nooks and was not impressed. Nor did I see anything there that doesn’t appear morning, noon, and night in all the mainstream media. At least in the particular podcast I deal with here, I did not see a single word that connects in any way to an actual argument or to the intellectual plane at all.

What brought the sad fact of this channel’s existence to my attention was an article I came across on Srugim, which described a podcast they recorded with MK Zvi Sukkot. Impressive openness for a leftist channel, no? Except that in the end they decided not to air it because it turned out too successful. Sukkot turned out to be someone who can present arguments, not the certified idiot they thought he was (this is what they themselves say). They decided to spare their intellectual listeners this painful information, and the arguments they offered for that decision are mainly of interest to scholars of religions and various fanatic sects (see a particularly brutal summary here, sent to me by my friend Roy Ozvits, who runs his own successful podcast channel and contacted me about precisely this while I was corresponding with Jeremy Fogel).

No wonder this has become one of the most illustrious failures in podcast history. By the way, for some reason I didn’t find reports on the matter anywhere that isn’t right-wing or religious. Besides Srugim I found reports on Channel 7, on Haredim10, on ICE, on Kipa, 103FM (of course with Arel Segal), and that’s it. I found no further hint reporting it. Ah, sorry, I also found in Maariv a report on a complaint filed by the “Religious Zionist Youth” about incitement against Zvi Sukkot. There too you will not find even a hint of the shelved podcast in which all that incitement took place. Is that not of interest to Maariv’s readers? This phenomenon merits a very extensive article, but I’d have expected at least a small mention in a piece dealing with the subject anyway. No wonder this glorious failure is not very well known in the media and among the public—it’s part of the monadic censorship phenomena I described above.

In short, Dr. Jeremy Fogel, a lecturer in the Department of Philosophy at Tel Aviv University, interviewed MK Zvi Sukkot on the above podcast on the topics on the agenda. After the interview they decided not to air it, for assorted reasons (we must not give a hand or a platform to “Judeo-Nazis,” he came out too polished and articulate, it turned out he isn’t an idiot, and so on). They even went one better: instead of airing that podcast, they aired an episode about the episode with Zvi Sukkot (which itself was not aired). That podcast features Fogel speaking with Itamar Weitzman (the channel’s manager) and with someone else named Hila in the background (apparently in their religious sect they don’t show pictures of women)—they present selected clips from Sukkot, but not before “vaccinating” their benighted audience, i.e., bad-mouthing him and only then playing the clip. This is to inoculate their audience against Sukkot’s dangerous ideas. They clearly underestimate their believers, who supposedly require protection from heretical arguments, but the comments show that at least those who responded weren’t so stupid and didn’t buy this nonsense.

By the way, Weitzman was an adviser to Ehud Barak. No wonder that in their conversation two august figures were posed as counterweights to Zvi Sukkot. You won’t believe whom they chose: Yair Golan and Ehud Barak. I think that even if I tried very hard I wouldn’t be able to find two bigger fools more devoid of integrity. For some reason I didn’t see any disclosure there of the connection to Ehud Barak. Well, but those are truly trifles.

This podcast reached peaks of ignorance and shallowness that, in my opinion, are unknown even in the Israeli media swamp. Watching it is recommended only for the stout of heart. Since I previously knew Fogel (he moderated my debate with Enoch, and did four podcasts with me on God: “The Metaphysical Circus” A and B, and a debate with Eilam Gross on physics and God A and B), and I actually appreciated his integrity, I approached him appalled by what I had heard and raised my objections. We exchanged a few WhatsApps, and among other things he wrote to me that on some points I am right and there are parts he sees differently, as he may explain later. Meanwhile, I haven’t received explanations, and I decided to lay out the matter here. As I also wrote to him, my claims dealt only with the central points raised in the conversation. I am prepared to show anyone who wishes that there is almost not a single sentence there, even those uttered in passing, that holds water. It’s a collection of ridiculous comparisons, clichés, labeling, null arguments, ignorance, propaganda, and more. I’ve already spoken about the sect’s fanatic closedness and bias. Needless to say, all this is said with supreme certainty and sanctimony—truly Amnon Yitzhak for the believers of Haaretz. This is a clear, even if extreme, example of the monadology of the secular-left church.

My Words to Fogel

I will simply paste here the main message I sent him after organizing my arguments.

Hello Jeremy. To say everything I have to say would require an encyclopedia. So I thought to present just a few general points. Afterwards I expanded a bit because I couldn’t help myself. But this is still only a tiny fraction of what I have to say. About almost every sentence that came up in this podcast, in its various parts, I could show you that we are dealing with crude logical errors or just a lack of knowledge. I apologize for the bluntness of my words, but the horror (yes, no less) I just listened to demands it (I am still truly shaken by this experience. It’s been a long time since I’ve seen something so low). I wrote at greater length and detail than I had planned because of the shock I experienced, and I write this out of respect for you. I came to know you as someone attentive and seeking real discussion, even though what emerged here was the exact opposite. Therefore I hope that nonetheless you will read my words despite their length (I listened to the entire podcast, and that took me much longer, because I wanted to be honest and form an opinion after listening to all of it), and try to truly listen to this critique. It really comes from a pained heart.

1. I will preface that it was very hard for me to listen. Not because of the views expressed there, and not because of my sympathy for Zvi Sukkot and his fellows in view and party. I strongly oppose them and write so at every opportunity. It was the manner in which the matter was conducted that was appalling—in style, in shallowness and superficiality, and especially in the great fear evident on your side. And of course in the lack of integrity: the moment you discovered that opposite you was someone who can present an argument and is not an idiot, you decided not to air it (you wrote to me that you didn’t censor him. Of course you censored, and you did much worse—as I will detail below). You yourself say you brought him just to present him as an idiot. I needn’t tell you that this is not what one should do if one is seeking serious discourse, as you purport to conduct there. Is that how one clarifies issues and positions? Invite an idiot to ridicule him and make him a laughingstock? Well, but you were disappointed. To your chagrin, it turned out he is not an idiot.

I must clarify: I’m not dealing here with etiquette. I am no Hana Bibi, and I have no problem with cynicism and jokes. But only when these are your and my way to express arguments. I do have a problem when all those come instead of arguments—and that is what happened with you. Under a pseudo-intellectual guise, you didn’t raise any real argument, and what did come up was preposterous to an embarrassing degree. Such detached leftist smugness—as if everyone else is stupid—and what is most puzzling is that all this happens when everything (!) you yourselves say is downright silly.

2. I was bothered by the childish mockery in the style of “Tzvikush,” “dumb-bear,” and “no, no, not cute,” when we’re talking about an MK who represents a public, and when you yourself admit you discovered he isn’t an idiot as you thought. So why do you continue to treat him as such after you realized you were wrong about him? You admit you were smug and were proven wrong, but you continue with the same smugness also in your words after the interview, and when he is no longer in front of you, you laugh at him after he left. Where is your basic fairness? As a dime-store armchair psychologist I would say that this artificial smugness expresses fear and insecurity and covers embarrassment. And you certainly had reason to be embarrassed.

By the way, there is here truly disgraceful unfairness. The interview is filmed, in which you and Sukkot discuss on equal footing, in real time, face to face. But after the interview, you and two other brainless clowns sit separately (without Sukkot) when everything is already filmed and available to you, and then you raise critiques and broadcast them before the interview within the same video, without Sukkot having any opportunity to address and respond. Do you understand that this gives you an unfair advantage over your interlocutor? This is really not done. What would you say about a filmed dialogue in which one person presents a position and, after he finishes and leaves, the other takes his words and makes fun of him and doesn’t give him a chance to respond? That’s exactly what you did. Incidentally, to our shame, despite the unfair advantage you took for yourselves, he beat you—and more precisely, it’s more accurate to say you beat yourselves.

3. I won’t repeat my critique of the avoidance of airing the interview in full. It’s truly shameful. And certainly when it is done under a liberal and intellectual guise. The podcast’s comments (I assume you read them) did this better than I could. There is an impressive consensus there, and it is evident that even your audience understood that what happened here was a colossal own goal for the left. Incidentally, the fundamental reason is that your views truly have no intellectual cover, despite the massive and disconnected hubris that radiates from every word of yours.

4. Your insistence on presenting every clip from the interview only after prefacing it with a “foreword” whose purpose is to inoculate the stupid public that watches you (that’s apparently how you assess it) against what is about to come, attests to extreme insecurity and contempt for your audience. If your contempt is justified, I would shut this podcast down right now. Why speak to such idiots? Is this “Pravda” come to educate the ignorant leftist masses? That’s how it looks. In any case, from the comments it is plainly evident that you erred in your assessment.

5. Your lack of attentiveness is truly disgraceful. You simply do not listen to your interlocutor. There is a difference between disagreeing with someone and not listening to him and digging in again and again to arguments that were answered long ago. See examples below.

6. Your nitpicking at trifles—within a framework that purports to touch precisely on the issues’ intellectual aspects—was truly embarrassing. Here are a few examples:

a. His Twitter joke on which you wasted a lot of time at the start. Who hasn’t told jokes in Israel since October 7? Are you serious? Two months after October 7 you have a complaint against someone who told a joke?! Is there anyone who doesn’t do so?! Do you sit at home and cry all day? Incidentally, it wasn’t even a joke but an ironic response to a current topic. It’s just a mode of expression—the most legitimate in the world. Do you really want to claim that one may not respond cynically or ironically as long as there are hostages in Gaza? If so, you can shut down all the media and all the living rooms in Israel. We are human beings, and human beings grow accustomed even to difficult circumstances. There’s even something positive in that. But even if you think not, you cannot deny that this is human nature. We all do it. After all, you yourselves are whooping it up there and mocking the whole world. For your information, the hostages are still in Gaza. So is it permitted or forbidden to joke in this period? And you insist on this stupid point as if you caught him in disgrace, as if you pulled a joker, and he has nothing to answer you—to our disgrace. Truly bizarre.

b. Your harping on the term “brigade.” Are you serious? You really think that’s the issue? That’s the question you managed to prepare in order to trip him up? Most of those who served in the army do not know how many soldiers are in a brigade. Most would answer as he did, and they do not know there are thousands besides the combat soldiers. Incidentally, in the background someone pointed out that he was right regarding an armored brigade but not infantry. That didn’t stop you from laughing at him as if he didn’t know (incidentally, I think that’s a mistake even regarding an armored brigade). Is this the question that matters for decisions in the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee? Do you really think all committee members over the years were greater experts than he is? You made me laugh.

c. Your assumption that military service grants expertise for the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee. This is truly nonsense, and again you insist on it as if you had pulled a joker. What does a private, corporal, or even a lieutenant in the army (like Amir Peretz) have to do with the issues raised there? Nothing. I don’t think that I, having been a junior armored corps commander, have any advantage whatsoever over Zvi Sukkot on those matters. And in general, did you check all the committee members (also on the left) to see whether all of them have military training, or whether they bothered to make it up from professional literature? So why is it precisely Zvi Sukkot whom you accuse of not having done so? He answered nicely that even a general has no real advantage in those discussions, and these days prove it. But you dragged him down to the service of a private or a corporal. Do you really think such service gives any added value for membership in the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee? I find it hard to believe you yourself believe such nonsense. Incidentally, Shimon Peres was Director General of the Defense Ministry, Defense Minister, and Prime Minister—and he never served a single day in the army.

Just note that these three points are more or less all the clips you brought from the entire interview (apart from questions on Judaism—see immediately). Are these the points that expressed the intellectual aspects you purport to focus on? You want to probe Sukkot’s worldview in depth, and you focus on the question of what a brigade is and why he wasn’t a private in the army? Or why he tells jokes on Twitter? Are you serious?

7. Well then, a few remarks on your critiques of Judaism.

a. Your question regarding “a woman is acquired” is based on a misunderstanding. The term “kinyan” (acquisition) in halakha means an act that effects a legal status. That is, an act that validates a legal situation (for example, establishing ownership over a field or an object, or separating terumah, or betrothal between spouses, divorce, and many more). In halakha, in order to create a legal status one must perform an act. That’s all. It is not necessarily about ownership. The Talmud’s comparison of betrothing a woman to the acquisition of a field at the beginning of Tractate Kiddushin is a lexical comparison, not a substantive one. It’s important that you understand this is not modern apologetics. I can prove it to you from the sugya itself and from many commentators across the generations (long before there was any need for apologetics vis-à-vis modern values of women’s equality). I wrote a detailed article about this in a debate I conducted in the journal Akdamot with Rivka Lubitz on this very topic.

b. Male same-sex relations are defined in the Torah as a “toeva” (abomination). But there are other instances in Scripture of the term “toeva” that are not at all connected to moral wrongdoing. The Talmud in Nedarim explains the term “toeva,” and it is not what you think it is in modern Hebrew. In general—and I have written several articles and posts about this—the halakha does not deal in morality. This has two main implications: when it rejects some act, one cannot infer that it deems it morally wrong. It is non-halakhic but can be morally perfect. Conversely, there are acts manifestly immoral that are halakhically permitted.

From this it follows that even if the Torah forbids male same-sex relations, this does not mean it sees them as a moral wrong. It is a halakhic prohibition. In light of this, all your questions become irrelevant. You can of course disagree with halakha and the obligation to it, but even one who is bound by halakha is not obliged to see male same-sex relations as a moral problem.

(Incidentally, you say you drew from the Torah the love of the stranger and the like. Bubkes. These are values you believe in on their own merits as a moral and liberal person, and by chance—or not—they also appear in the Torah. In my estimation, you drew nothing from it.)

c. You found a contradiction in Sukkot’s words between his attitude that everything in the Torah is sacred and binding (what you mistakenly called “fundamentalism”) and his statement that there is also an Oral Torah with binding interpretations. Here too you err. This contradiction does not exist. Indeed, he said that everything written in the Torah is sacred in his eyes, but the question you must clarify is what is in fact written there. You assume that what is written there is the literal reading (according to your Hebrew and the meanings you assume, and without the tools of midrash, etc.). But he thinks that what is written there and what is sacred in his eyes is what is interpreted by the Oral Torah. You of course assume the Oral Torah is apologetic inventions, i.e., that the sages do whatever they want by means of a toolkit that they invented. But that too is ignorance. If you knew, you would know there are quite a few examples that contradict this thesis (for example, cases in which the sages very much want to do something but do not “succeed” because they lack a midrashic tool that enables it). But even if you were right that everything is the sages’ inventions, still, according to his view there is no contradiction in his words. He is bound by what is written in the Torah on the basis of the Oral Torah’s interpretations. That’s all.

I wrote that the term “fundamentalism” is mistaken, for two reasons: the fact that I am bound by the Torah does not mean I do not apply critical thinking to it. If I reach the conclusion that it is not true, I will not be bound by it. You are bound by morality, or by the laws of the state—so are you a fundamentalist? The second reason concerns the interpretations made to Scripture, as I explained above. That is not fundamentalism.

d. You found a contradiction regarding building the Temple and suspected he was lying to you. That’s the easiest move—when something doesn’t fit the conception and the persona you are trying to impose on your interlocutor (the terrible demonization you did to him, and that is done to him in general), then apparently the interlocutor is lying (true, you—unlike Itamar—were more honest; you also raised the possibility that perhaps you misunderstood his position, but it is clear you did so only to discharge an obligation). The truth is that you only had to listen to what he explained to you. What he said is that he has a mission to build the Temple and it will not descend from heaven but will be built by human beings. But at the same time he is aware of the constraints—internal (within the people and state of Israel) and external (the Muslim world and the world at large)—and he does not aspire to build the Temple at the price of internal or external war. He told the truth, but you decided he is lying. For he must be a fundamentalist and messianic, and if what he says doesn’t fit such a persona then he must be lying. As someone who knows these folks (and disagrees with them), I can tell you he told the truth. Well, maybe I am lying too. That’s how you—or you plural—build a thesis that cannot be refuted and thus you always emerge right.

8. Your definition of your interlocutor’s “defensive liberalism” is ridiculous. Intolerance toward intolerant positions should lead to intolerance toward you. The party that was intolerant in this discourse was you, not Zvi Sukkot.

Incidentally, the condemnation of the breach into the Sde Teiman base and the distinctions drawn vis-à-vis other disturbances at demonstrations, etc., were truly tendentious and embarrassing questions-begging. Suddenly the left ascribes sanctity to army bases. Amazing. And we haven’t yet discussed Itamar’s foolish claim about the security risk created by that breach. Just compare it to the security risk created by the refusal to serve during the struggle over the reform (which, by the way, I supported—in the refusal). Do you even compare the level of risk?!

9. Your comment on thinking within or outside a conception was also simply logically wrong. You began by saying there is a problem with thinking within a conception but it’s impossible to think without a conception. But there is no contradiction. The problem currently under discussion is not thinking within a conception (for, as you rightly said, all thinking assumes conception(s)). The problem with conception is when you are unwilling to examine your conceptions critically—i.e., when you cling to them excessively and do not let facts confuse you (i.e., you do not listen to other facts—confirmation bias). The problem is not the very fact of thinking within conceptions, so why does that contradict the fact that it’s impossible to think without conceptions? (Incidentally, this is exactly what is manifested in your discourse, in which under no circumstances are you willing to subject your conceptions to genuine discussion.) Therefore there was no need at all to resort to moving to many conceptions instead of a single conception, as you proposed as a solution to the contradiction. There is no contradiction and no solution is needed.

10. In conclusion, if you wish I am willing to sit with you and go through every sentence in this podcast—yours and the other two’s. Sorry if I sound arrogant, but I promise to show you that there was almost not a single sentence there that holds water. But this can be done only if you promise to listen seriously and be willing to accept the critiques. I already say that I will be willing to do so.

To conclude, from the comments I learn that the public watching you is not as stupid as you think (and therefore try to protect it from other arguments and positions). It seems you scored an own goal—and you earned it honestly.

I must say that contrary to what I gather from the tone of your words, you should understand that this is not a small or incidental mistake. We are talking here about a colossal failure. For the horror that happened in this podcast I would establish an investigative committee on behalf of your editorial staff to re-examine all your editorial (and ideological) conceptions. The entire conduct here was a glorious failure the likes of which I don’t think you’ll find in the history of podcasts.

I hope my words will be received in a good and substantive spirit. They were not written to hurt but to illustrate to you and yours the depth of the problem—of which, in my feeling, you are unaware.

On the margins of my words so far, I will now bring two more examples of such monadology, which I will address very briefly.

  1. Problematic Sugyot in the Talmud

The first example is a lecture by an ophthalmologist named Yitzhak Isakov in the “Coming to the Professors” forum, in which he talks about problematic sugyot (passages) in the Talmud. Here too it was quite shocking to hear a truly childish lecture by a person with very limited capacity for thought (he claims to have researched the topic for many years), who takes a complex text like the Talmud, extracts from it a few grotesque examples, and pronounces judgment on the whole. Beyond the fact that even the examples he brought are not really grotesque, and beyond his lack of reading comprehension and his childish approach to and interpretation of this text. The Talmud is an enormous corpus containing a vast variety of ideas and interpretations, in my eyes among the most splendid in the history of human culture. True, it was written in another time and place, but precisely its persistence and relevance to this day mean it must not be treated anachronistically. To form a position on such a text on the basis of a simplistic and childish reading of a selective, biased sampling of esoteric examples is truly foolishness. If there is anything one cannot call an academic discussion, it is this lecture.

What further horrified me were the audience’s reactions, which I understand was composed of professors. They sounded like a bunch of kindergarten children who were handed a punching bag to pick on. It was evident they don’t really know the text in question, and it was very convenient for them to join in the mutual echoing of contempt for the Talmud’s low and anachronistic chauvinism, for the primitive discussions found in it, and of course for the extrapolations made to our day. No one there really bothered to distinguish between the text and a few selected interpretations offered for it (which were also misrepresented). None of this stopped them from speaking with smugness and arrogance, with full self-confidence arising from not hearing other views and interpretations. Truly magical ignorance and academic thinking at its finest. This is the result of life in a monad in which only one kind of voice is heard. A tried-and-true recipe for shallow, one-dimensional thinking. It reminded me of the statistical argument I brought in Column 506, where I showed how five professors who came to a conference on statistical inference discuss the existence of God and fall into disgraceful statistical fallacies—all with assertiveness and arrogance arising from that same monadicity. Life in their monad includes echoing, dismissing, and essentially not hearing the rival views (incidentally, there too it was written following a podcast of Jeremy Fogel, in which a debate was held between the physicist Prof. Eilam Gross and me).

I do not feel the need to write a detailed response to this pitiable lecture (I’m trying to suggest that they invite me to present another position). I can only present the lecture to you so you can listen and form your impression.

  1. Yaron Blum on the Hostage Deal

I will conclude with a completely different example. I have a feeling that the discourse in most of our mainstream media regarding the hostage deal is downright psychotic. There is a mass psychosis regarding the deal, and it rides on compassion for the hostages and their families, and no less on the fanatic religion of anti-Bibi-ism and anti-Ben Gvir and Smotrich. Within this abysmal discourse, anyone who opposes the deal is presented as someone who simply does not care about the hostages’ lives. The standard is to add that he is also messianic, fascist, etc., and is motivated only by political and coalitionary interests (as if consideration of coalition parties’ positions and ideologies were not legitimate for a government that operates by virtue of that coalition. Bizarre). Almost no one in the media (except Ayala Hasson and Channel 14, who of course are biased to the other side—who would have believed I’d speak in their praise, and in praise of Smotrich and Ben Gvir) raises the question of the price, and asks whether caring about the hostages’ lives justifies any concession, including leaving Hamas in place, conceding entire regions of the country (in the south and the north, which will of course then seep into the center—but then we’ll respond firmly with preventive actions) and the loss of civilian and military lives in the future. It is quite amazing that a huge population in Israel, including senior officers, security experts, journalists and commentators, politicians, celebrities of various stripes, and just plain people, raise—like a Greek chorus singing in unison—a preposterous and internally self-contradictory position, and do so with assertiveness and sanctimony as if anyone who opposes it is delusional and messianic (and betrays Judaism and the foundational values of Zionism and Israeli society). Of course, almost no interviewer tries to ask them a little question about their delusions. This is crazed brainwashing—truly a psychosis—exactly like we experienced around the Gilad Shalit deal. A fascinating example of monadic behavior.

One of the peaks of this sealed, stupid, monadic discourse was an interview conducted by Kalman Liebskind and Akiva Novick on their morning show on 25.8 with Yaron Blum, who was responsible on behalf of the Shin Bet for our prisoners and missing and for the negotiations for their return—among other things, in the Gilad Shalit deal (which also comes up in the conversation). He speaks about the hostage deal now on the table and his red lines. I highly recommend listening to this gem. Anyone who wondered how we reached the absurdity of the Shalit deal and indirectly what awaits us if the government does not withstand the psychotic pressure from within and without also in these days, will find the answer here. You can find the full interview here (on the program from 25.8, about ten minutes starting at 1:01), and some of the main lines you can also hear here on Twitter. If this is the intelligence of those charged on our behalf with negotiations and the war, no wonder our situation is what it is.

Make no mistake. Although in this interview the contradiction in the position of the pro-deal movement is expressed grotesquely, these contradictions exist in almost every spokesperson of theirs on the subject. The difference is that Liebskind and Novick (who belong to a different monad) asked and did not let go. Other hosts and journalists do not bother to ask these questions because they belong to the same monad as their interviewees.

And Finally, a Word About Military Commentators and Experts and… Bibi

In the past two years I have taken part in quite a few meetings with figures and leaders from the protest side—the Kaplanists, Brothers in Arms, etc.—even before October 7 (remember, there was the struggle over the reform, which now returns). I told them again and again that they are bringing Bibi upon us with their own hands in the next elections. They laughed at me in light of the polls in which Bibi was at a low (quite rightly). I told them that their psychotic protest would cause a trend reversal (it’s also written on the site more than once). And indeed in recent weeks the change occurred and the polls show there is a real danger that we will get again that same dreadful coalition in the next elections. Incidentally, if they continue with the hysteria around the reform (as they have now declared), they will bring that upon us too.

I myself have lately begun to debate whether to vote for Bibi just to stuff all these demons back into their bottle and shut them up. Well, I’m not there yet—there are limits. But I’m simply fed up to the gills with them. All these ridiculous officers and commentators who exploit their authority and their professional expertise—a’ la—only show us anew every day how much it’s worth. For many years I’ve said and written that there is no such thing as a military expert—or at least that his opinion has no added value regarding the issues on the agenda. I think that over the past year anyone can see it.


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64 תגובות

  1. Okay, so I'll try to represent the other side's position anyway.
    I'll focus on the issue of releasing the hostages because I agree with you on the podcast with Sukkot.
    You assume that the discourse from the ”left” is lacking and presents a superficial picture that doesn't take into account all the considerations, and it doesn't. In my opinion, it's precisely the discourse from the right that ignores all the considerations:
    First, the question of the feasibility of collapsing Hamas. The right likes to say that it's possible, but even assuming that it is, it's only through an alternative government. Israel is not working to offer an alternative government and at the same time is dragging out a war and not returning the hostages. It seems that there is no businesslike conduct in conducting the fighting. If you want to collapse Hamas at the expense of the hostages, that's a legitimate position, but it really doesn't seem like you're working towards it, but are just trying to spread the word and not taking any steps that will inflame the base.
    The economic consideration - Israel is in an economic collapse that is getting worse (among other things due to Smotrich's reckless conduct in the Treasury, but first and foremost because of the duration of the fighting). Why aren't we talking about it? Why aren't we saying that the very protracted IDF fighting has a heavy economic price that we will pay for in interest in the future? One could say that the collapse of Hamas is worth the economic price, but I really don't hear any discussion about the economic price in right-wing propaganda. International price - Israel is suffering heavy prices in the international arena, which will only get worse. These prices have significant security and economic implications. Why is this absent from the discussion?
    There is also the social price, which can also be extended, etc.
    It is very likely that right now there is American credit to fight and spread war just because of the elections there, and as soon as the elections are over, assuming Kamala Harris is elected, she will end the war aggressively and without major sentiments, and we will come out bald from here and there.
    I also really have a hard time understanding what is so disastrous about giving up parts of the country in a deal with Hamas. And that Israel won't be able to eradicate the events of 10/7 in the future with more responsible conduct by the IDF and the senior echelon? This talk about an existential threat from a weak terrorist organization that has weakened greatly sounds very delusional to me. After all, even Hamas on 10/6 couldn't have done what it did if it weren't for the IDF's fiasco that no one is promising will happen again. And what about the risk of a regional war? And what about the north, which has been destroyed in the meantime? These are huge prices that we are paying.

    But the most important point in my opinion, which really hurts me to see ignored, is the lack of trust in the leadership today. This is actually what accompanies the entire talk of ending the fighting (the hostage deal) from beginning to end. Is it even possible to collapse Hamas? Could it have been done faster by an alternative government? Are they spreading an entire country for the chance that Trump will be elected (this is a position that can still be debated) or just out of a desire to postpone the elections? And in general, try to imagine what would have happened if such an event had occurred under the leftist Bennett government. Would the opposition at that time have given such continuous fighting credit to the same leadership that failed?
    If there had been acceptable leadership, with basic integrity and a reasonable level of trust, then they would have known that there was reasonable management and due consideration of the issues of the fighting, that is not how things are right now.

    1. I agree with much of what you said, but most of it has nothing to do with my discussion.
      First of all, because on some points you talk about the government's conduct, and that's not the issue here. And did I write that it is being conducted correctly (except for the point that it does not succumb to the psychosis of the hostages)?
      I also agree with the right-wing monadology, of course, although each point you raised should be discussed in its entirety.
      For example, the possibility of eradicating Hamas later is a repeated nonsense of the protesters and the opposition. Forget it. Hamas, for now, seems much more intelligent than us (which is not saying much), they will not make any deal that would leave us with such an option (which is why it is also clear that they will never return all the hostages). They will demand international crimes. What you do not succeed in doing now, you will not do again. Such an opportunity will probably not come again.
      It is clear that the threat we face from Hamas is not existential. Who said otherwise? That's why I wrote that it's about losing areas of land, because it will be impossible to live in them (people will no longer be able to reconcile the situation that prevailed until October). And we haven't even touched on the north.
      Anyway, my topic here was monadology, and I focused on the discourse from the ’left’ (actually it's not the left but the opposition to Bibi) This is mainly because they are the ones who accuse the right of stupidity and stupidity (dismissing them as idiots), and also because they suffer from it much more than the other side.

      1. Hi Miki, in principle I agree with L's words, but I noticed that you didn't answer the question at all, assuming that Hamas is no longer, and never really was, an existential threat (unlike Iran or even Hezbollah). What makes us continue to fight?? Why is the death of another Arab baboon more important to us than 107 living and existing Israeli citizens?? In addition, you didn't take into account at all the rest of his things about the economy, the international situation, etc. If Kamala is elected in November and Bibi doesn't change the diskette, in my opinion, this is the end of our relations with the United States. I would be happy if you would comment.

        1. I answered him. You just have to read. It's not about the death of so-and-so or an unknown person (who are human beings and not baboons). It's about removing a threat from entire swaths of land with tens of thousands of residents. And of course deterrence from future actions.
          By the way, Hezbollah is not an existential threat either, as far as I understand. The situation there is similar, even though their power is greater.
          Regarding our relationship with the US, I disagree with you. Beyond that, even if they do harm, I'm not giving up swaths of land because of it.
          And as mentioned, none of this is in any way related to the subject of the column.

          1. I disagree with the following:
            A. Lack of confidence in the feasibility of overthrowing Hamas. Feasibility is not just a question of ability, but of the desire to take the right actions to make it happen and the existence of international legitimacy that will allow it to be done. It is not impossible that if Harris is elected, she will simply stop the war with tools that she has not even begun to use so far. In practice, this is not a matter of a crisis in foreign relations, but rather it is simply a lack of feasibility of overthrowing Hamas if there is no American veto in the UN Security Council, for example. *Therefore* the public sees fit to demand the return of the hostages, because they understand that we are in a situation where we could get away with anything.
            B. On the contrary, the continuation of the fighting in Gaza is what is causing, for example, the crisis in the north to not find its solution (military or political).
            Our eyes see that Israel refuses to go to war in the north and this is for one of 2 reasons:
            Either the damage will be greater than the benefit (and in any case it will end in a deal)
            Or there is no international, especially American, approval. How is this going to change? If there really was a deal to deal with, something should have been done about it over the past year, but the fact that nothing is being done indicates that there is no intention to do anything in the future except a deal, so it is better to bring it forward for the economic reasons, etc. mentioned above.
            All of this still definitely connects to the one of trust. There is a government of corrupt people here, and I personally do not have an ounce of trust in their motives (in my opinion, and probably in the opinion of half the people).

            What I want to say is that half the people who are in favor of a deal do not demonstrate in favor of it despite giving up on the collapse of Hamas, they are simply very skeptical in general about the will and ability to collapse Hamas, and therefore prefer at this stage, when Hamas has been significantly weakened, to return the kidnapped. As for giving up territories, the part that favors a deal understands that there will probably be no solution to this, and a government that wants to solve this would have already initiated fighting in the north, it cannot be said that it did not have time for it. The fact that it was not done only indicates that there is no real intention or ability to do so. So again, too bad for the kidnapped

            1. This debate is unnecessary. We are repeating ourselves.
              I will only point out that there is not half the people who are protesting. Far from it. Those who belong to that monad are sure that the people are with them, because that is what they see around them. Of course, the same is true of the other monad. In fact, support for the coalition has grown over time, and I think that is also the case with opposition to the hostage deal. The content of the protesters' statements, which place the blame mainly on Bibi, shows that they are in a monad that is not willing to consider price considerations.

  2. Hello Rabbi, you wrote a very interesting article! Thank you very much!
    Where can I find material on Leibniz? Especially on his contradictions regarding the infinite.

    1. I don't know. But if you know a little about Infi, read the Wikipedia entry I linked to and you'll immediately see it.

  3. “This is a phenomenon that deserves a very extensive article”

    I think there was a mistake in the wording here

        1. 🤣
          To get them talking about their stupid podcast
          And it actually worked

  4. Fascinating! Thank you for sharing your thoughts on the subject.
    I think a large part of the increase in popularity of Channel 14 is the public's reaction to these phenomena (such as in podcast talkbacks).
    Assuming that Channel 14 sins in the same ways as, for example, Studios 12, only from the right side, do you see a situation where the overall result will be better? Or maybe having another Mondea only intensifies the polarization?
    I tend to think that the situation is better and healthier despite the polarization.
    I would love to hear what the rabbi thinks.

    1. It is likely that it is better to have one monad. But it is best to be honest, that is, without a monad. Whoever comes to correct a distortion is not right to make the opposite distortion. This does not correct but deepens the destruction.
      If there is a balanced channel, it will be a more correct correction for the monads on all sides.
      As I usually say about the Mimra that it is better to fail in gratuitous love than in gratuitous hatred: it is best not to fail in both.

      1. It is clear that Bibi, Trump, Bolsonaro, and other populists are rising as a response to the silencing and delegitimization of the poison machine on the left.

  5. Is there no military expert who can say that a situation in which Hamas is eliminated and the hostages are also released is not possible?
    It seems to me that this is the argument between them and Bibi, that Bibi is lying that both situations can be reached and these experts (who, as I understand, may indeed be experts on this subject and have an information advantage over me or you) claim that the hostages can only be released alive through a deal.
    It seems to me that you agree with this comment, but it would have been better to put it towards the end, to explain that not everything is pure with Bibi on this issue and that he is also responsible for the public's blindness on this issue.

  6. I will try to respond to the column itself separately, but it's funny to me that your columns open with a base when you openly declare that you don't believe in such assistance at all.

    1. I listened to almost half an hour of Dr. Isakov's lecture, and I have a feeling that he copied everything he said from Miron Yadan. And I'm not saying this as a guess, I know Yadan's words, his arguments and examples very well, and it's almost word for word. Not that I have a problem with Yadan (I even respect him to some extent), but it's ridiculous to present this as some kind of independent research of many years, etc. What's more, I find it hard to believe that Isakov, who may be a very smart person in his field but who, according to him, didn't even open a book on Judaism until a late age, suddenly started being some kind of self-taught Talmud scholar who found all these examples. In general, Alex Zeitlin brings interesting people, but you have to take him and his channel in the right context, he's a fan of the dubious Yigal Ben Nun (defines him as the greatest of Bible scholars, haha), who also introduced the ophthalmologist at the beginning of the video. These guys abhor Judaism. This is their right, of course, but as mentioned, they should be viewed (by those who are interested) in the right context. Either way, I would be happy if the Rabbi Datra would address the issue of the Talmud's strangeness and the strange way of thinking of the sages, which is a topic that is certainly of interest to many.

      1. Another thing related to the column – Similar to the case with Zvi Sukkot, Alex Zeitlin, author of “Come to the Professors” also interviewed Yehoshua Inbal in the past and did not publish the video, probably also because he thought Inbal came out too well (and I swear on high that I think Inbal is a demagogue and I doubt I would interview him myself, but the censorship only shows who these people are). In the end, Inbal himself uploaded a recording of the conversation to YouTube.

  7. I find it funny that you agree that Bibi and his friends are a "poison machine" (as if it were something bad). After all, from the start, this machine was set up to fight the left's poison machine (which, of course, as you say, is on steroids), which, since I started reading the Shabbat supplement of Yedioth at the age of 11 in 1991, has been working for 32 years, non-stop 24/7 against the right (and back then it was against Shamir and the Likud party of the time - Amos Keinan, Silvi Keshet, Haim Hefer, Didi Manusi, B. Michael and Meir Shalev (who was still relatively calm) and other people with poisonous blood whose names I don't remember. There was also a right-winger named Muhammad whose name I don't remember). Then, with an unbelievable lack of self-awareness, they attach the name "poison machine" to it. Why is it forbidden to fight poison with anti-poison? There is no other way to fight poison except by living in complete detachment from the poisoner (meaning not listening to a word that comes out of the mouth and in complete denial to the point where one does not even speak bad things about the poisoner but ignores his existence) or with counter-poison. In our reality, if you do not respond - forcefully - things will be interpreted as an admission. With demonization, you fight reverse demonization, just as you cannot truly fight terrorism except through counter-terrorism. With lies, you fight lies. And even the right is not that successful at this because fundamentally, blood, not poison, still flows through its veins. With the left, I definitely agree on one thing - in the short term, the general public is stupid and will follow whoever shouts the loudest and with the most absolute confidence (which can only result from a complete detachment from reality). And so the right loses out on this because by virtue of being right it believes in an objective external reality and it is precisely the postmodernist left that believes in monads (since there is no such external reality. And so there are only narratives that do not allow communication – because there is nothing to communicate about).

    It is easy for you to criticize the right about the ‘poison machine’ (a name that is a leftist invention) because you are not the one being attacked but are observing from the sidelines. If you were attacked like Bibi, you would have become a poison factory yourself. If it were not for Bibi's poison machine, progressive religion would have already laid its hands on the earth and we would be in 1984.

    You say that it is better not to fail on both sides, but in our reality I do not believe that is possible. There is a resolution where it is possible, but at first – at the low resolution - you will almost always have to fail at something at first. If you win, you will not fail at anything. In the end, there are almost always two sides, and one of them is more righteous than the other. And in our case, the right is the righteous. The Ukrainians are also wicked, but in the war with Russia, they are the righteous. In the end, anyone who tries to belong to the UN is always on the side of the wicked. You have to choose a side without being ashamed.

    1. Indeed, as you say. But don't be surprised, most philosophers and most scientists, like most rabbis, are complete fools - far below the level of the common man in the market - when they go outside their field of expertise. It's hard to digest, but that's the reality. At least you're a little better than the statistics.

    2. Disagree
      Complete disconnection as a response to poison – legit
      Poison against me – illegitimate

      If terrorists in Jenin are randomly killing children from Israel, will you enter Jenin and kill random children walking on the street?! You don't fight terror with terror

      I'll give two examples that come to mind right now about the poison of ‘Bibi and his friends’ They made a video of Gantz saying that he was proud that he endangered Golani soldiers, when in fact he said that he was proud that Gazans entered Israel for medical treatment…
      Make a video of Rabin's granddaughter describing how Arafat is a good and nice person when in fact she said it about the President of the United States

      You don't fight lies with lies, but with the truth
      A lie is not true and it doesn't matter if the other side uses the lie

      According to your method, any lie can be justified by some prior injustice

      1. You are the liar. It is true that sometimes Bibi's campaign was a bit distorted (less than his opponents anyway), but the two examples you gave were not and were not created.
        In any case, the whole approach of turning the other cheek or (differently?) not accepting a conviction but adding justice, etc. is contrary to all realistic logic and also to the morality of the prophets.

        1. “Fake it a little” You can be a comedian, both cases were definitely, my username has my number, send me a message and I'll show you it (you can't send files here)

          I didn't say not to respond, I said not to respond to a lie with a lie
          And if you want to check what's realistic, check what's happening in reality, in which countries would you prefer to live, those that ’turn the other cheek’ because they don't kill randomly in response to random killing, or the ’realistic’ countries in your opinion?

          1. Maybe you're a teenager.
            Otherwise I don't know how it's not clear to you that the countries that 'turn the other cheek' wouldn't turn the other cheek at all if they were attacked like Israel. The fact that you don't understand this yourself says something about you. Just mention Hiroshima and Britain's bombing of Dresden (70,000 killed).

  8. The poison machine of the families of the kidnapped and the protest completely lost its way this morning. The other voice is not heard in the media monad.
    Here, for the benefit of the public, is another voice:
    https://hamal.co.il/main/%D7%94%D7%95%D7%A8%D7%99%D7%9D-%D7%A9%D7%9B%D7%95%D7%9C%D7%99%D7%9D-%D7%A0%D7%92%D7%93-%D7%94%D7%95%D7%93%D7%A2%D7%AA-%D7 %9E%D7%98%D7%94-%D7%94%D7%9E%D7%A9%D7%A4%D7%97%D7%95%D7%AA-%D7%94%D7%9E%D7%9 3%D7%99%D7%A0%D7%94-%D7%90%D7%99%D7%A0%D7%94-%D7%A9%D7%9C%D7%9B%D7%9D-129895

  9. Can you explain what makes the protest "psychotic" when it is against a coalition that you call the "coalition of the blood"?

    1. First, as far as I remember, I never called it a bloody coalition. I wrote that it was a coalition of horrors and so on.
      Secondly, what is the connection between this and that? If I oppose the coalition, then everything it does is wrong? Do I automatically have to be against it without discrimination? Adopt stupid arguments, or rather the lack of arguments, just because they are against Bibi and Benghazi? Are you serious?
      What makes the protest psychotic is the psychosis of those who lead it and most of those who participate in it.

  10. From what I understand, you think the current coalition is shocking, disastrous, and irresponsible. It sounds like very strong opposition to it is warranted. So what, psychotic? Could you be more specific about the actions of resistance that you call psychotic?

    1. I was specific enough in the column and here. There's no point in discussing with someone who isn't willing to listen. I'm done.

      1. I didn't understand. Is Jeremy Vogel's behavior that you cited as an example in the column something you were referring to as psychotic behavior? The low-level criticism of the Talmud by the aforementioned doctor? I'm trying to understand where the psychosis is that makes you want to vote for the "coalition of horrors" again, where are the things here that are so weighty?
        I simply can't understand the comparison between the anecdotes you mentioned (as embarrassing as they are) and the horrors that the coalition is perpetrating.

    2. Opposition is automatic. There is no discretion. There are (almost) no opinion columns that say – This government is right in 30% of its actions, but is seriously wrong in 70% and therefore needs to be replaced. Everything that comes out of Bibi's hands is toxic, self-serving, and even in the test of results is always wrong (his interests never align with the right thing). A real villain from Marvel movies.

      Look at the days of legal reform. I followed the conduct at the time closely. Except for a few righteous people in Sodom (I must mention, as always, Neta Barak-Koren) no one bothered to go through the reform and write a counter-proposal. Everything that was there was presented as a dictatorship, including proposals that the opponents themselves had proposed in the past.

      Do you really not understand how pathetic this is?

  11. From what I understand, you claim that there is a problem of being closed off within a system of concepts, values, truth. An inability to step into the other person's shoes, to understand their values, the rationality behind their positions. This is a very important and very true point. I, for example, prefer to talk to someone who has an opinion opposite to mine. It is an opportunity to learn something new (even though it is more 'pleasant' to talk to someone whose opinion is the same as mine. The resonance box effect). But a prerequisite for such a fruitful dialogue is the use of clean, precise language. In my humble opinion, with apologies, I found your article to use crude language (“…Yair Golan and Ehud Barak. It seems to me that even if I tried very hard, I wouldn't be able to find two bigger morons…” ” What makes the protest psychotic is the psychosis of those who lead it and most of those who participate in it.”). If I belonged to that group, it would be very difficult for me to separate the chaff from the chaff. After all, you don't seriously think that most of those participating in the protest are psychotic, and you don't think that the person who served as Chief of Staff, Minister of Defense, and Prime Minister is a ‘moron’. You are welcome to argue that he is not such a genius, that's fine, but ‘moron’? A psycho is a person who suffers from a serious mental illness. The percentage of psychotics in the population is very low, a significant portion of them are hospitalized. You use these expressions as a kind of insult. In doing so, you are missing the point of the main argument of your article, which is that it is important to listen to opinions that differ from yours, to be open to arguments that contradict your position.
    The title “stra achra” that you attribute to the liberal left is particularly outrageous. According to common usage, the meaning of the expression is evil, devil, angel of death, impurity. You are exaggerating.

    Second comment. You claim and claim again and again that we are in “monads.” And as mentioned, this is an important point as a way to conduct life. But you weave arguments into your article that are relevant to the current public debate. These arguments provoke opposing reactions, some of which are justified, meaning that according to those reactions you are simply wrong in what you claim. You do not respond to these claims in a substantive manner, but wave them aside by claiming that your article is not about this, but about the question of monads. It would be better if you separated the two topics: flatten the thesis of ‘Don't be blocked in the box of ‘your truth’ and be open to things you haven't thought about’, and in a separate article address the claims against the protest and the rest of the current claims. And thus save yourself the reprimands in response to the actual current claims you make.

    1. First of all, the big problem is that there is no one to talk to among these people. This is precisely their psychosis.
      Beyond that, it is a public-collective psychosis. This does not mean that these are psychotic people.
      The term ‘idiot’ does not necessarily indicate intelligence. It is a form of conduct.
      All of these are not insults in my opinion, but descriptions of fact.
      The term sitra achra was used by me here, as in the past, in its literal meaning (the other side).

      The arguments on the merits of the matter were not presented systematically here. They came to say that there is also a second side (which I also think is right). And looking as if there is no second side is a monad. Where there is no second side that makes sense, then ignoring its arguments is not monadology. Therefore, it is not a mix-up.

  12. You incite and blaspheme and slander and insult with disgusting words in a way that every Rabbi sees that it is emotions and then tells your readers that it is a description of fact. So that someone can correct you on how your thoughts are reflected in the intelligent reader:

    Your post is absurdly long for its scant and misleading content. A strange collection of three examples intended to support your claims that are forced and do not pass minimal analytical criticism. Your post is based on some insight into a “monad” that pretends to be philosophical and intellectual but contributes nothing to the discussion and in this guise you write banal claims that mix the essential (a government that is objectively failing) and the trivial (an esoteric podcast). You need a strict editor who will delete 90% of what you write and confront you with claims that you blurt out and that you did not think about until Oct.

    1. You did it better than me:
      “You incite and blaspheme and slander and slander with disgusting words…”
      “An absurdly long column -…” means – The excess of truth weighs on you

  13. It is written at the beginning of the article “Media Rules” instead of media outlets

  14. At the beginning of episode 13, Vogel responds to comments on the episode with Zvi Sukkot:
    https://open.spotify.com/episode/79K3DMy7SfFOFSXYTTsPQX

  15. Regarding Yaron Blum –
    In the words of Groucho’ Marx:
    “These are my principles – and if you don't like it,
    well, I have other principles “

  16. As for Yaron Blum, he insists that releasing arch-terrorists is a red line, while at the same time refusing to say that he would make a deal over it. Seemingly a contradiction. But my impression is that he simply assumes that he can always reach a deal even without accepting such a demand (by offering other types of concessions, for example). He should have been asked specifically about a case in which Hamas is unwilling to budge from this demand - what then?

  17. https://youtu.be/7jrX_iMhO4g?si=dW2u6EtT9cbf5-tv
    Vogel's response to the episode with Zvi Sukkot in minute 9. He refers to Rabbi Michi. Anyone who wants to hear

  18. I have now received a link to a tract in which Jeremy Fogel apologizes and brings the original podcast in full and in sequence.
    https://youtu.be/7jrX_iMhO4g?si=Nd1ZijIssaobJEIK
    I have something to say here too, but I will not continue with it.

  19. I decided to comment anyway because there is a very important point there. I sent him these comments:
    Hello Jeremy. I heard the opening of your recording and the apology. First of all, I appreciate your honesty and making the answer. I still have comments, so in short.
    1. I was not offended at all, but disappointed. It seems to me that your words emphasized all the offense and too little the disappointment (which was mentioned at the beginning). I will return to this in the last comment.
    2. The apology should also be addressed first to Sukkot himself. That was not emphasized there. The public is secondary in my opinion.
    3. Radical's system is part of the failure. You had two interlocutors. So if you took everything upon yourself, that means they are on their own.
    4. I think your/your fundamental approach is wrong. There is no need or justification for conveying “dangerous” opinions to the public. They must be dealt with honestly and fairly, and the truth will prevail.
    5. If you deal with them fairly, it may turn out that your interpretation of these views is wrong. Maybe they are not dangerous and not Judeo-Nazi as is commonly thought in your monad?! To the best of my judgment, at least in some cases, this is the case.
    6. I am against censorship and mediation, even for Nazi views. In my opinion, every reasoned position deserves honest and decent discussion, as long as there are arguments. The ”religious” culture that takes over the left-wing discourse, according to which there are views that are forbidden to be heard and voiced, is destructive. The destructiveness is also towards the left-wing positions themselves, because the public outside these esoteric circles understands that this is a religious sect and is not convinced even if arguments are raised there. This is part of the destructive PC culture.
    7. And more generally, you keep talking about open and deep discourse, but censorship and mediation of opinions is the opposite of that. Even there, in the depths of the right-wing's discrimination, there are opinions and arguments. It is worthwhile and appropriate to recognize this and deal with it. It is not right to underestimate the public, even if not all pencils are sharpened as they should be.
    8. Ultimately, you act as if you are the majority and it is forbidden to give a mouth and legitimacy to a dangerous minority. Such opinions should not be normalized. But the reality is that those who hold these opinions are much more numerous than those who hold the opinions represented in Radical. Sometimes when living in a bubble, you feel that the whole world is us, and this is a dangerous monadology. Not that the majority decides, of course (on the contrary, in my opinion, the minority is usually right until proven otherwise). I brought this up because it further strengthens my arguments about the right way to deal with those opinions. Silencing will preserve the negligible minority that holds your opinions in their ’purity’, but what about the rest of the public? Isn't it more correct to confront and present arguments to try to convince others? By the way, this is the Kaplan syndrome and brothers in arms, who are sure that the entire world is with them, and in fact, by their silence, they lose the public and remain a pure and cautious minority. This is how they will bring Bibi to us in the next elections. I have been writing and saying this for many months (also in meetings I have had with protest leaders and brothers in arms), and now the polls already show such a trend. But my feeling is that there is no one to talk to. Continuing the approach that the position of tens of percent of the public is extremism that must not be given an opening here and must not be listened to is a mistake on the strategic and tactical level, not just on the ethical and intellectual level. And I write this as a fierce opponent of these people.
    9. In conclusion, the correct answer to failure is not only to apologize for hurt or disappointment. But to draw conclusions and examine your path with courage and honesty. In my opinion, the apology is of course admirable, but in a certain sense it is the easy way out. You have not taken stock of your principled approach. This brings us back to my comment 1. You dealt with an offense for which you apologized. But disappointment requires taking stock of yourself, not an apology. In my opinion, this has not been done. Not inviting politicians does not correct the injustice and failure. Invite people who are not politicians but think like Zvi Sukkot and know how to present a position and arguments. Such discussions will be a real correction.

    1. Jeremy's answer:

      Your Honor!
      As I say in the episode – Breaking into the Yemeni field is a dangerous act. Not the opinions that Zvi Sukkot shares on the podcast. The danger is not what Hach said, but the gap between the tone of his words and the nature of his behavior. Moreover – I of course do not think under any circumstances that my opinions are the opinions of the majority. I define myself as a delusional leftist because it is clear to me that in the eyes of most people, my opinions are delusional (proper absorption of war refugees in Israel is a wonderful, Jewish act, which will only contribute to the state. A revolution under the conditions of teachers and health workers. All kinds of such delusions). It is clear to me that most of the country is somewhere else. Maybe it is good that it is so, you know. But! Still! It is impossible to normalize a discourse on genocide. You know – People write to me in a tone of horror, Michael, horror. Some people respond to what I said by saying that Bezalel didn't mean it – and I wish he didn't mean it – There are also those who write seriously about the morality of genocide. I grew up on the Holocaust question. Among my earliest and most formative memories are the stories my grandmother would tell. I don't want to imagine that my people – even though I completely understand the suffering and panic and pain and anger and desire for revenge – will begin to accept as legitimate discourse a discourse that alludes to genocide. And here I also want to ask you. I understood that you wrote about the episode on the blog. In your letter to me, you called this episode “horror”. And perhaps rightly so! I say in the episode that I take your arguments and your opinions very seriously, and you know it. And when I apologize, I apologize from the bottom of my heart. But Honorable Rabbi Avraham! Isn't talking about the death of two million people much more horrific? Don't things like this from a minister demand your brilliant and important consideration much more than a poorly edited, miserable episode with a blatant and ugly tone? You have a very large influence among people, some of whom vote for religious Zionism. Just as you wrote passionately against this stupid episode on a rather divisive podcast that most of this audience is only looking to reject, will you also write about the problematic nature of a minister in Israel, a leader of many of your students, who speaks about how the starvation of two million people is a moral thing?

      1. In the S”D
        Jeremy Shalom.
        Thank you for your words, which are clearly heartfelt. I think they give me an opportunity to demonstrate what I wrote to you in my previous message. I will say that I have a scroll out again, but here the medium is the message. My message is about the importance of systematic discussion instead of outcry and boycotts, even when it comes to opinions that you find invalid and dangerous and illegitimate. Systematic discussion eliminates length and the raising of arguments.
        [I will not comment on the break-in to the Yemeni field because it diverts the discussion to a really unimportant topic. I am just saying that in my opinion you are blowing it out of proportion (disrupting the IDF in the war because it needs to allocate forces to protect its bases. Are you serious? The demonstrations in Kaplan and across the country take much more effort and are much more extensive by the security forces and are much more disruptive. And they are of course completely legitimate). I will also not address the examples you gave as an expression of the extreme/radical left (refugee absorption and improving conditions for the education and healthcare systems). It is very strange to me to present them as such. But none of that is the point.]
        A. First, who told you that I did not respond? Why do you assume that I am criticizing your podcast but ignoring the phenomena you mentioned? Without checking it, this is a frivolous statement.
        B. In fact, I have responded more than once and twice and in very harsh words to statements of this type. My opposition to Smotritz and Bengbir is harsh and is found in the scriptures, and among other things because of the issues of racism and treatment of gentiles. I will shortly send you a link to my detailed response to Rabbi Mali's statements that were published in the media and caused a great deal of noise and criticism.
        C. Here I come to illustrating my words from my previous letter to you. My problem is that the criticism of these things comes from the gut and is not really ready to conduct a discussion. Note that even when I cried out about the injustice (or horror) of your actions on the podcast (and I am not comparing it to genocide), I did so on the basis of organized and formulated arguments. I think that such criticism is treated more correctly and provokes discussion. On the other hand, a mere cry of disapproval would not have achieved this goal. It is what I wrote to you in my previous letter to you.
        D. Pay attention to my column criticizing Rabbi Mali's words: https://www.ynet.co.il/news/article/sy3bfhu6p
        My column criticizing you here:
        https://mikyab.net/posts/85988/
        I suggest that you read it very carefully, because from it too you can extract sentences that can shock you. But if you read these words of mine very carefully and pay attention to the course of the discussion and the arguments, you will see that this is an attempt to systematically analyze the parties and reach a conclusion (similar to yours, only without the cries and labeling). This is the appropriate type of criticism.
        E. To further refine the message, I will demonstrate the same thing to you even about the horror you quote in the name of Smotrich. I will preface by saying that I did not hear him say it and I do not know what the context was. In my experience, context is very important, and the media has a way of taking sentences out of context and provoking outcry. But I expect more from a philosopher.
        F. You quote that he spoke of starving all the residents of Gaza. I wondered to myself: why specifically starving? Someone else once mentioned an atomic bomb (and his words were also taken out of context). That is more effective and easier, isn't it? I would check Smotrich's words in the original, since it is quite clear to me that his intention was to prevent humanitarian supplies to the residents of Gaza as part of the war to free the hostages and achieve security for Israel. That is what is on the agenda now. Note that even if you oppose it, this is absolutely not a statement that it is legitimate to commit genocide. Genocide is the destruction of a people on a nationalistic or racial basis. Here we are talking about defending ourselves against those who want to destroy us and are actually doing so. Not individuals but a group whose stated goals are. I assume you oppose this, but I appreciate that this is a completely different statement from calling for genocide.
        G. In the column I sent you above, you will see that I divide the discussion of these proposals into several levels, and if you are willing to listen to my arguments, you will realize that there is no Judeo-Nazi moral atrocity here, as your interlocutor Weizmann repeatedly said with vile demagogic obsession. This extreme thesis that it is permissible to harm all residents of Gaza in order to achieve security and the kidnapped has a moral basis (with which conclusion I do not agree). Incidentally, reasonable, sane and ethical centrists like Giora Eiland have repeated this over and over again. It is not just Smotrich and Bengbir.
        H. I will tell you more than that. Even the call to destroy the residents of Gaza as an extirpation of evil is not genocide (I explained why there, although I rejected this thesis as a conclusion). But you and your friends are careful not to notice that this is not even the case here. This is a statement based on an assessment that our defense requires such action. Smotrich apparently thinks that without it we will not get the kidnapped and we will never achieve security for our own residents. Let's assume that this assessment is correct (in my opinion, a person should be judged by his method and his assumptions, and I also wrote a reasoned column about that). Is it so far-fetched in your opinion to say that if achieving these goals requires killing all the residents of Gaza, then it is legitimate? In my opinion, absolutely not. If the alternative is that they will always fire missiles at us and not allow people to live their lives, that they will always murder, rape and abuse, and all this with the support of their public that elects them (in Gaza and the West Bank), and while they educate every child who grows up there to commit such atrocities. In such a situation, is it so absurd in your opinion to claim what Smotritz claimed? By the way, I myself share this hypothetical statement, as you will see in the above column. Maybe after writing this you will think that I am also a Judeo-Nazi, but I am convinced that I am not. I am as shocked as you are by genocide or calls to do so. But I am ready to make a discussion and analyze it and hear arguments from everyone, and I distinguish clearly between genocide and the case before us.
        I. I will return to the main point of my words. One must respond to statements and positions, and of course also act, from the head and not from the gut. To discuss and not to dismiss. The picture comes out much clearer this way and always more complex. As a Talmudist and as a philosophy enthusiast, I have acquired the habit of discussing every claim and every statement in its entirety. Not to get angry for no reason, even if the things are outrageous. I have discovered that in many cases a systematic discussion reveals that it is not about Nazis, in disguise or without disguise. There are very few outright evil people in the world, even on the extreme right who enjoy being vilified here so much (including me). I once again suggest that you adopt this policy. It is more ethically appropriate, more intellectually serious, and ultimately more effective. I will repeat what I wrote in my previous letter: if the goal is only to strengthen the believers in their pure path, then propaganda and outcry are a possible path. But if you want to change and convince others, I think that this is not the path to glory. Pay attention to the message I sent you earlier: disappointment is more important than being hurt. For soul-searching and making amends is more important than apologizing to the one who was hurt. This is both for the person himself and to prevent the next victim.
        J. You wrote that I should cry out about Smotrich's statements more than about the failure in the podcast. Even on this I disagree with you. The failure in the podcast is what makes Smotrich's statements possible. In my opinion, the main horror of our situation is not people's opinions, but the lack of the ability to conduct a discussion about them. Discussion and discourse are the basis for everything, including morality. That is why I cry out for discourse, and my main goal in my blog is not the conclusions I write in their favor, but rather the purification of discourse and discussion. You may be surprised, but in my opinion this is the problem of problems in Israel today. As a philosopher, I would expect you to understand this and join me on a journey to purify discourse. This does not normalize any opinion, but only allows it to be discussed and therefore also fought against effectively. Outcry and boycotts are not an effective way to fight dangerous opinions.

        1. Jeremy:
          So explain to me how it is moral to destroy Amalekian babies? Just throwing out an idea - why not give them up for adoption?
          Do you accept as an axiom for your engagement with this question that it is possible to justify the destruction of an Amalekian baby?

          1. This is not an axiom for me at all. If I thought it was unjustified, I would say it was immoral. I have written such things more than once about halacha. The relationship between halacha and morality is a complex issue and I have a very organized mishnah about it. It is difficult to go into detail here.
            But in my opinion, it can be justified morally without any connection to the Torah, as I explained in that post. This is not an apologetic justification, just because it is written in the Torah, but for the first time.
            The question of adoption is irrelevant. Indeed, if there is such an option, there is no justification for killing. The discussion is hypothetical and principled: assuming there is no other option, is there justification? My answer is yes. And I think that very many people will agree with the justification I wrote there.

            After that, there were only comments about trifles.

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