Question

Your position regarding the enlistment of Haredim has been written here more than once, in various columns and in countless responsa questions—reasoned, clear, and sharp.
And even so, I want to ask not only from the value-based angle, but also from the current practical angle of the conscription law.
Suppose the Knesset members of Religious Zionism were to consult with you about how to vote when the conscription law (or the draft-evasion law—both descriptions are correct, since this is a law that drafts and exempts) comes up for a vote. What would you advise them?
I would like to argue that the law, despite its problems, is the lesser evil, and that דווקא anyone who wants Haredim to enlist must support it.
Many in the Israeli public are outraged by the possibility that a law would exempt 50% of yeshiva students from enlistment, and rightly so—from a value standpoint.
But practically and strategically, this is the wrong approach.
The demand to draft everyone (or at least most of them) stems from the principle of equality (if the discussion is about the IDF's needs, then the IDF itself states that it does not need everyone).
One could say that in practice, Israeli society already gave up on equality in enlistment when it decided not to draft Arabs.
I am familiar with your objection to this comparison, since it is clear that there is a difference between demanding enlistment from Haredim—who are Jews, part of the national fabric, even if not Zionists or especially patriotic—and Arabs, who are a foreign element and at times hostile and dangerous toward the institutions of the state.
And yet, and this is the heart of my argument: with respect to significant percentages of Haredi society, the comparison actually is relevant. Maybe not for exactly the same reasons, but on the same level in terms of alienation.
The Jerusalem Faction, the people of Mea Shearim, and extremist Haredim in Bnei Brak condemn, loathe, and are hostile to the state—its institutions, secularity, and Zionism.
Their alienation from Zionism and secularity is not as dangerous as among some Arabs (an extremist Haredi with a weapon will not harm Jews, unlike an extremist Arab). But when it comes to the demand to enlist in a military framework based on nationalism, symbols, and authority that they reject—the comparison is appropriate.
If you have given up on the principle of equality vis-à-vis the Arab population, you can accept that with extremist Haredim as well.
And from here to the conscription law:
The current situation is that the IDF sends tens of thousands of draft orders, with no response and no cooperation from Haredi society. According to the instruction of the Attorney General's office, on grounds of equality, orders are sent for example to 26-year-olds who are married with children—a draft that is an economic harm and not worthwhile for the army, as Matan Kahana said.
The proposed law would exempt 50%—including extremists, hostile people, and outstanding scholars (regarding whom there is a consensus that they should remain in the yeshivot)—and draft the rest.
The Haredim support the law, which will increase their motivation to cooperate and to steer younger men who are learning less toward enlistment. If they do not cooperate, they will face personal sanctions and economic sanctions on the yeshiva world.
In addition, the very support of the rabbis' representatives for a law that includes drafting yeshiva students will grant legitimacy to many of them to enlist.
The draft orders that will be sent will be aimed at actual recruitment, to young men of the appropriate ages; there will be cooperation with the Haredim, and thus the orders will be sent to those who do not study, to more modern Haredim, and potentially to those more suited to enlistment.
This law is important.
Maybe they will not reach the enlistment targets of 50 percent, but there will certainly be a dramatic rise in the number of Haredim who enlist, there will be sanctions on yeshivot, and the situation of immoral funding of draft evasion will come to an end.
So the law has a flaw from a value standpoint, but strategically it benefits everyone. Opposition to it is populism.
The Religious Zionist Torah world also receives a partial exemption through hesder yeshivot. Its daughters do national service, etc.
This is a situation that Israeli society has already partially digested. And there is no reason not to apply something approaching that with the Haredim.