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The Loop That Stalls Us (Column 710)

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The column argues that Israel's public paralysis does not stem mainly from deep ideological disagreement, but from a polarization loop: two camps turn into churches, label one another evil or stupid, stop listening, and thereby both drift away from the truth and lose the ability to make decisions together.

Two churches instead of political discourse

The column opens with a symmetrical critique of the discourse on both sides: on one side, texts that see the High Court, the security establishment, and anyone who disagrees with them as a fifth column; on the other side, texts that see Netanyahu, Smotrich, and the government camp as a collection of messianists, corrupt figures, and people indifferent to the fate of the hostages. The rabbi insists that this is not really right versus left, but two churches, each with its own priests, dogmas, sacred texts, propaganda, and routine accusations of treason and heresy against anyone who deviates from the line.

Correlation across different issues exposes tribal thinking

One of the main indications of this diagnosis is the strong correlation between positions on many issues: a hostage deal, judicial reform, Bibi, drafting Haredim, Ben Gvir, Smotrich, the High Court, and the security services. Time after time, one gets almost the same social division. For the column, this shows that people are not examining each issue on its own merits, but are adopting an entire package of identity, which in turn creates the illusion of disagreements that are much deeper and broader than they really are.

Refusal to listen not only blocks agreement but also distances us from truth

The column distinguishes between the mere existence of disagreement, which is natural and even justifies decision-making mechanisms, and a deeper problem: positions built by listening only to one's own camp become shallow and less correct. Through the sugya of Beit Hillel and Beit Shammai, the rabbi rejects reading 'these and those' as convenient pluralism, and adopts the line of Rabbi Yosef Karo: the halakha was decided like Beit Hillel because their methodology seriously incorporated the claims of Beit Shammai, and therefore brought them closer to the truth. That is also the point of the washing machine example: whoever wants to judge correctly must hear both the seller and the competitor who points out the flaws.

Without mutual legitimacy, the rules of decision-making also collapse

The second problem is not only epistemic but institutional. From the Talmudic passage about the clear-minded people of Jerusalem, who would not sit in judgment without knowing who sat with them, the rabbi derives that a judge can join a panel only if he is also willing to sign a ruling that does not reflect his own view. That is possible only if he sees his colleagues as worthy human beings, not as villains or fools. In the analogue, when the camps view one another as illegitimate, they are unwilling to accept majority rule, court rulings, or commissions of inquiry. The rules of the game themselves then become yet another weapon in the war, instead of the framework within which disagreement is managed.

From the Bogie Ya'alon episode to the difference between debate and quarrel

The column presents Bogie Ya'alon's remarks about war crimes and refusal of orders as an example of church-like thinking: to say such things, one has to assume that the General Staff, the military advocate general, and commanders are acting as villains or as people completely surrendering to political schemes. The rabbi says he is willing to hear another explanation, but argues that in practice this is an example of how an a priori hatred of Netanyahu colors all the facts. From here he sharpens the distinction: a debate is about arguments, a quarrel is about people. He has no principled objection even to harsh insults, but they are supposed to be the conclusion of a substantive discussion, not a substitute for one.

Judicial reform: much more agreement than it seems

According to the column, on judicial reform most of the public, and even experts on both sides, are much closer to one another than public impressions suggest. Supporters of the reform say it is very important to enact reform, even if the government sometimes went too far; opponents say reform is needed, but the government went too far. That is, they are often saying almost the same thing, and merely choosing to emphasize a different half of the glass. On the substance as well, there is a fairly agreed framework: it is wrong to give the government full control over the judicial system, but the current situation is not the destruction of democracy either, and the High Court did not bring about October 7. The real disagreements are mainly about degree, design, and nuance, yet church-like discourse presents every compromise or intermediate step as the immediate ruin of the state or as shameful surrender to the elites.

The hostage deal: mainly factual uncertainty, not a moral abyss

Around the hostage deal as well, the rabbi argues that the value gap is far smaller than it is presented as being. Those who say deal at any price are not truly willing to pay any price, certainly not the price of a genuine security danger; and those who oppose a deal obviously want the hostages returned if that can be done without seriously harming security. So the main question is factual-strategic: is there any deal at all that would return hostages without blocking the renewal of fighting and without binding Israel irreversibly. The rabbi himself tends to think not, but stresses that this is an inquiry into an ambiguous reality, not proof that the other side is evil or stupid. Precisely here it becomes clear how readily people disqualify motives and character in advance instead of clarifying facts and assessments.

The smaller the gap, the greater the hatred can become

One of the sharper claims in the column is that on most public issues, aside from extreme fringes, there are hardly any deep disagreements at all, but rather differences of emphasis, priorities, assessments, and nuances. And yet, and sometimes precisely because of that, the flames are especially high. The rabbi suggests that perhaps there is here a human need for meaning, identity, and belonging to children of light fighting children of darkness; and if no real abyss exists, one is invented.

The self-reinforcing loop

This is the positive feedback mechanism from which the column takes its title. One begins with a relatively small disagreement, fears that if one listens the other side might be persuasive, and therefore defines them as evil or stupid. Once that is done, one no longer listens to their arguments; and since one hears no arguments, it seems that they have none; and anyone who maintains a position without arguments must surely be evil or stupid. In this way, debate turns into a quarrel between people and a struggle between churches. The result is twofold: each side's positions become less grounded and less close to the truth, and it becomes impossible to live together within shared rules of the game. From there it is a short הדרך to every inconvenient fact being labeled fake, and every institution being judged only by the question of which church it is perceived to belong to.

A naive but necessary solution: listen

The solution the column proposes is simple to the point of naivete: listen seriously to the other side's arguments. The rabbi does not promise that listening will bring full agreement, but he does argue that it will balance positions, improve their closeness to the truth, and clarify that on the other side stand human beings, some wiser and some less so, some more decent and some less so, just as in our own camp. If we reach that recognition, we can return to conducting debates within an agreed framework, accepting democratic decisions, and understanding that in most cases the differences between us do not justify a holy war.

Even without a full cure, the diagnosis has value

At the end, the rabbi compares his proposal to Wittgenstein's optimism in the Tractatus: a perfect theoretical solution is not necessarily socially workable. He admits that the churches will not dissolve on their own, and therefore his solution has little immediate practical chance. Even so, the analysis has a double value: individuals can adopt it and gain more balanced and more correct positions, and the very understanding of the loop's structure helps us understand our condition and may perhaps eventually allow someone to find a more practical way out of it.

🤖 This summary was generated automatically using AI.
This is an English translation (originally created with ChatGPT 5 Thinking). Read the original Hebrew version.

A few weeks ago I published a column in Makor Rishon in which I proposed a diagnosis of a troubling phenomenon, which I have noted here on the site as well. I thought it appropriate to sharpen and highlight this in a separate column.

Two Churches

The trigger was a rather silly, tendentious, and paranoid column by a creature named Or Reichert, which raised my ire because of its one-sidedness. The man is paranoid about anyone who doesn’t think like him, full of accusations like a pomegranate, viewing the world in a truly one-sided and childish way (I’m sure you will see this in some responses to this column—at least if there are any I don’t delete). He lives in a black-and-white world in which anyone who thinks differently is either a blind hate-filled agent or a naïf of the European Union and global progressivism. The High Court of Justice, the heads of the security establishment, and anyone who moves are all a fifth column, and needless to say, they have formed a coalition that coordinates positions and cooperates in a planned and deliberate way and is to blame for all our ills and troubles. On the other hand, it immediately occurred to me that similar columns can be read on the other side of the barricade. From the Kaplan side you can read similar pearls about Bibi and Smotrich, in which there is not a single point of light. Everything they do aims only at destruction, messianism, corruption, and ruin. There is nothing sound about them. None of them, of course, cares one iota about the fate of the hostages. They all want to destroy democracy and the state entirely, and of course to expel seculars and leftists from it. Try telling them that some act of Bibi or his friends is substantive and legitimate and stems from a different outlook than theirs, and you’re unlikely to come out of it safe and sound. The same applies to claims about advantages of the judicial reform, arguments against a hostage deal “at any price,” and the like.

Anyone sensible who looks at the non-existent discourse here about any issue on the agenda understands that the root of the matter is that on all sides we’re dealing with “true believers.” On every live issue two churches face off and clash, each led by its priests, various propaganda tools, holy scriptures, dogmas, accusations of treason and heresy toward all infidels who are not adherents of the “right” church, a ban on consulting outside writings, Heaven forfend (“Do not stray”), and so on. And again, this is entirely symmetric on both sides (I take care not to succumb to brainwashing and call it Right versus Left). One of the clear indicators for this diagnosis is the astonishingly strong correlation across different questions. Divide the population into two groups according to each of the following: the hostage deal, judicial reform, Bibi, drafting Haredim, Ben-Gvir, Smotrich, the functioning of the judiciary and of the security services—and you’ll discover that, to a great extent, you get the very same grouping. I have often pointed out the phenomenon of spurious correlations (see, for example, Columns 151 and 565). In our days, it is at its peak.

The situation is rather dispiriting, because clearly both sides are mistaken here. On both sides there are better and worse people, and on both sides there are arguments (good and less good) for their positions. But neither side is willing to recognize that. They are unwilling to listen to each other and—even if not to be persuaded—at least to reach a decision by an agreed-upon method.

The Problems

We need to understand that there is a very deep problem here. It’s not merely that we don’t reach agreement. That would be a perfectly reasonable and expected situation. That’s why we have decision-making mechanisms. If we all agreed, we wouldn’t need them. The problem is mainly on two planes: 1) Our positions are formed superficially and ignore inconvenient aspects (which of course are raised in the other side’s arguments). In other words, the positions themselves are poorly grounded, superficial, and far from the truth. 2) Once an inter-church dispute is formed, there is no way to resolve it. I’ll try to elaborate a bit more on these two points.

Regarding point 1, I have previously discussed Eruvin 13b, which describes the dispute between Beit Shammai and Beit Hillel. There too the dispute went on for years and they couldn’t reach a decision. The reason, apparently, was an unwillingness to listen to one another. In the end a heavenly voice goes forth and says:

A bat kol (heavenly voice) came forth and said: “These and those are the words of the living God, but the halakha follows Beit Hillel.” And since both are the words of the living God, why did Beit Hillel merit to have the halakha established like them? Because they were gentle and humble, and they would teach their own words and the words of Beit Shammai; not only that, they would even present the words of Beit Shammai before their own.

In Columns 247 and 625 and elsewhere I discussed two possible readings of this passage. On the face of it, this reflects a pluralist conception that advocates a multiplicity of truths, and the halakhic ruling like Beit Hillel is only for an educational consideration. But I cited R. Yosef Karo in his Klalei Ha-Gemara (“Rules of the Talmud”):

It is astonishing: if the law were not in accordance with their view, would the halakha be established like them because of their many good qualities? It is possible that this is what it means: Why did they merit to always hit upon the truth, such that because they were the truth the halakha was established like them.

He is unwilling to accept a halakhic ruling for an educational reason. Halakha must be decided according to proximity to the truth. Therefore he explains that the law was set like Beit Hillel because their methodology—presenting Beit Shammai’s words before their own—led them to reach a more correct position. When you weigh the arguments of those who hold the opposing view, you get closer to the truth. A one-sided view leads to a superficial and mistaken position, because reality is complex and always has multiple facets. A one-sided view necessarily misses some of them. I already mentioned my mother’s gem: when you want to check a washing machine, you turn to the salesperson to describe in detail all its advantages, and to his competitor to describe in detail all its disadvantages. That way you will reach the most informed decision. This is true of conceptual issues as well.

So much for the first problem with not listening: the various positions are superficial, do not truly understand reality correctly, and do not arrive at a proper engagement with it. This brings me to the second problem.

The Talmud in Sanhedrin 23b says:

“Rav Yehuda said in the name of Rav: Witnesses do not sign on a document… A baraita likewise teaches: Thus did the men of scrupulous mind in Jerusalem conduct themselves: they would not sign on a document unless they knew who was signing with them; they would not sit in judgment unless they knew who was sitting with them; and they would not enter a meal unless they knew who was reclining with them.”

The men of scrupulous mind in Jerusalem were not willing to join a court’s panel before checking who would be seated with them. Why is that important? Express your view, everyone will form their opinion, and then we’ll vote—end of story. Are you responsible for what others think? The point is that after the judge expresses his view, he must also join the panel and sign together with everyone on the verdict. Therefore the Talmud says: he should join the panel only if he is prepared to be in the minority and nevertheless sign the verdict. If he doesn’t respect his two colleagues and sees them as fools and/or wicked, then even if they are the majority he won’t be willing to sign the verdict and stand behind it. Only if he respects them—their talents and their character (i.e., that they are neither wicked nor fools)—will he be willing to sit with them on a panel, and in such a case he will also be willing to sign a judgment with which he disagrees (as a dissent).

Relevance to us: if the adherents of one sect see the others as unfit to share a meal with or to sit with in judgment, then they are unwilling to sign a verdict they disagree with. In the analogy, neither camp is willing to accept the rules of democracy and our legal mechanisms; hence there is no way to make joint decisions. That’s because, in their view, their opponents are illegitimate. They refuse to make decisions together with them because they see them as wicked and/or fools. The Kaplanists tell us that the majority doesn’t decide; from the other side we’re told that decisions of governmental institutions such as the courts (or their appointment to a state commission of inquiry) are unacceptable. Seemingly this follows: I am not prepared to make decisions together with a bunch of fools—or a bunch of Nazis. With such people I fight; I don’t vote with them or make joint decisions. I do not sit with them at a meal.

In my opinion this is why the rules of decision-making and the principles of our regime are failing to solve the knot we are in. The claim is that these rules are irrelevant in a situation where we have not agreed at all to make decisions together (to sit at a meal or in judgment). Therefore we are also waging a war over shaping those very rules, because the rules have ceased to have an objective standing—as tools for settling disputes and making decisions. Each side quotes the rules convenient to it to attack the members of the opposing church, but at the same time does not accept the rules that are inconvenient. The rules have become yet another tool in the clashes and battles, instead of constituting the framework within which they take place. Therefore, in our day the rules themselves are at the center of the dispute, and that is the essence of the knot.

Debate versus Dispute

A clear example of this blindness and obtuseness is Bogie Ya’alon’s latest pronouncement from yesterday. He decided that our soldiers are committing war crimes and must refuse orders. He, of course, qualifies this and says that every soldier and commander must decide for himself; but this is an irrelevant fig leaf. If the orders are indeed manifestly illegal, one is obligated to refuse them. The fact that any given soldier or commander might decide that they are not manifestly illegal (or not illegal at all) does not change anything here. By that logic, an ordinary call to refuse that is considered incitement and prohibited by law should not count as incitement for the same reason: every soldier can decide whether to adopt it or not—and yet such a call is illegal. The same goes for Bogie’s words.

It’s important to understand that his words imply that our General Staff is composed of a collection of war criminals and spineless people (who capitulate to Bibi’s and Smotrich’s political interests and are willing to commit war crimes on their behalf), headed by the Military Advocate General. They send IDF soldiers to commit war crimes and no one utters a peep. In a discussion with a friend of mine (who holds Bogie in great esteem) he suggested the possibility that some information had reached Bogie on which he based himself. I asked him if he could even hypothetically describe information which, if it reached Bogie (how did these secret secrets reach him at all?), could justify his absurd conclusion. I received no answer. My interpretation is that this is not the first time Bogie’s words testify to a pathological hatred of Bibi, and this drives him out of his mind. In my view he is truly losing his sanity. I’m willing to consider a different position/reading, but so far I have not heard a reason that would justify it.

Why am I bringing all this? Because it demonstrates how a church and its believers operate. They do not weigh their words and the counter-arguments, examine the facts, and draw conclusions. They see the world in black and white—even if this is patently absurd and baseless. All facts and arguments are colored by a priori conceptions. My friend himself (a very intelligent and honest man), in his desperate attempts to defend Bogie, also displayed impressive stubbornness in clinging to criticism of the government. Precisely because of this, even in this case I came away rather despondent about the state of our discourse and the possibility of discussion.

Someone once said that the difference between a debate and a quarrel is that a debate is about ideas, while a quarrel is about people. In a quarrel no one needs arguments, for positions are judged by who expresses them (ad hominem) and not on their merits. In our public discourse, in most cases we are dealing with quarrels and not debates. The other side’s arguments receive no substantive attention; instead there is abuse hurled at whoever raises them (who is, as we know, wicked or foolish—so what’s the point of listening to him and weighing his arguments?!). Let me sharpen this: I have nothing against invective and sharp opposition to silly positions, and not even against comments aimed at the person. On the contrary, it adds color to our gray lives. But the invective and the disqualification should come as a conclusion drawn from the discussion and the arguments, not as a substitute for them. The discussion should be conducted on the arguments, and the invective can be the conclusion that emerges from it (if it turns out that the other really is wicked or foolish). With us it works in reverse: we begin from the premise that the other is wicked or foolish, and therefore we dismiss his arguments without truly weighing them. We don’t listen to his arguments and we brush off the facts (as “fake,” etc.).

Deepening the Problem: Are the Disagreements Really So Deep?

What deepens the problem even more is that, on most issues, there are no substantive disagreements between the sides. At times it feels that the closer the positions are, the more blatant the hatred and the personal focus become. I’ll try to illustrate this with a few of our most heated disputes.

I’ll start with an example I’ve used more than once: the dispute over judicial reform. Consider typical formulations of two kinds of ads—pro and contra. Those who support it wrote something like: “It’s true that sometimes the government went too far, but it’s very important that there be reform.” And the opponents wrote something like: “It’s true there are problems and reform is needed, but the government went too far.” Spot the differences. They are saying the same thing; one looks at the half-empty part of the glass, the other at the half-full.

When you enter the issues themselves you discover that, for most of the population (aside from loud and extreme fringes), there are no real disagreements about the various components of the reform. Forums of experts who discussed and tried to formulate concrete proposals in a substantive manner reached agreement quite quickly. It’s fairly clear to all of us what should be here, and both sides agree. The problem is that when this reached the heated public discourse (on both sides) it got stuck and buried. Here the priests of the various churches take up the staff of leadership and instruct us not to listen but to heap abuse. The moment one takes a small step toward the government or toward the protesters, it is perceived as capitulation and immediately rejected (and presented, of course, as the direct and immediate destruction of the state and democracy—or, on the other hand, as delivering the state to the elites and denying the election results). More concretely: everyone understands that the government must not have full control over the composition of the courts; and as far as I know there is no proposal that gives the government such full control. But there certainly are proposals that increase its degree of control. These are presented, of course, as the ruin of democracy. Let the Kaplanists take note. Conversely, supporters of the government should also note that the current situation is not a catastrophe. And no, the High Court did not bring October 7 upon us. And yes, even if it is sometimes too activist (for the Kaplanists’ attention: there are justified criticisms of judicial activism and of the court’s composition, at least in some cases), it doesn’t really prevent the government from acting. So we should and can reach an agreed-upon arrangement, and the real disagreements are about nuances within this agreed framework. This is far from a serious problem and certainly does not justify destroying the country now because of delusional fears of its future destruction. But of course there is no chance of getting anyone to listen to arguments, since we are dealing with a quarrel, not a debate.

Another example is the hostage deal. Here too, one side says: this is the number-one objective of the war—we must make a deal at any price. The other side says: under no circumstances—the primary objective is the security of the state, and the hostages are secondary. The first side is, of course, nonsense, and the Kaplanists themselves do not truly believe it. None of them would be willing to evacuate Tel Aviv in order to get the hostages back, nor even evacuate the Gaza envelope communities. None of them is truly willing to put the state in real security danger to get the hostages. So what does “at any price” mean? They certainly are not prepared to give up security—which is precisely the goal that the other side (the sitra achra) speaks of as the primary objective. If so, aside from extreme fringes (or inciters of the sort of poor Einav Tsangaoker), there is no principled dispute here. Conversely, opponents of a deal certainly want the hostages; if it were possible to obtain reasonable security and bring back the hostages, they would certainly agree. We are left needing to clarify the facts: Is there, in fact, a deal on the table that will preserve our security and return the hostages? In my opinion there is not, but this is an almost factual dispute. There is no deep ideological or value disagreement here. There is no betrayal by the government of its task and of the civic social contract, and certainly no wicked or foolish people here. The declarations that “first we’ll make a deal and then return to destroying Hamas,” repeated also by various “security experts,” are, in my view, a sorry joke. Hamas will not return all the hostages if there is any possibility that the war will be renewed (it is doubtful they will return them even if there is no such possibility). To take a position on such a matter one must know how things work up there: international pressures, especially American ones; guarantees and sanctions on Israel if it violates agreements; and so on. In all this I know very few experts around me, and I myself am a rather modest expert. I have never been a prime minister (to your good fortune). Therefore I am certainly ready to hear arguments that would justify such a position (so far I haven’t heard any), but in my assessment it is very doubtful that the war can be renewed. In any case, I am certainly not sure of this to a degree that would lead me to demand returning the hostages at any price. Note that what I have described here is entirely substantive discussion. There are no wicked or foolish people here. There is mostly great ambiguity about the facts (whether there is truly a deal for all the hostages on the table—my view is that no one knows), alongside extraordinary certitude by those who do not know the facts but know exactly what we must do. The missing inquiry here is primarily factual. There is no deep value or ideological disagreement here, at most nuances.

So here too, personal disqualification trumps substantive arguments. When I present arguments in favor of the government’s policy on this matter, no one from the sitra de-kedusha is willing to listen to me and weigh them. For them it is as clear as day that Bibi and Smotrich do not care in the least about the hostages. They only want to conquer Gaza and bring the Messiah. No one will persuade them otherwise. When I tell them that I, as someone they know, agree with Bibi and Smotrich’s basic policy—even though I do care about the hostages—they concede the point. But not with Bibi. How do you know that in his case it’s mere indifference? From “the holy spirit.” There are first principles that need no justification.

I could go with you through most of the issues on the agenda and show you that there are no real disagreements between us. Aside from very extreme fringes, we all agree on almost everything, and the differences are truly nuances. But the closer the positions are, the more the hatred and personalization grow. The height of the flames of dispute is inversely proportional to the distance between the parties’ positions. Perhaps this fills a human need for a sense of meaning and mission—the need to belong to the children of light and to wage a war of annihilation against the children of darkness. And if there are no children of darkness, we must invent them—otherwise, how will our lives have meaning? We all need faith, a religion, and a church. And if we don’t have one—we’ll knit one for ourselves.

The Loop

What we have here is a positive feedback loop, namely a process that fuels and amplifies itself. It goes roughly like this: we have two groups arguing about a particular issue. The real dispute is over some nuance. Now a feeling arises that if we listen to them, they might convince us. So listening must be prohibited. How will we achieve that? We will declare that anyone who thinks like them is wicked and/or foolish. Once we internalize this, they are perceived as wicked and foolish (we are the children of light and they are the children of darkness), and of course there is no point in listening to their arguments. Why listen to the wicked and the foolish?! But if we don’t listen to their arguments, then it is now clear to us that they have no arguments. So why do they nevertheless cling to their position? Because they are wicked and foolish. And then there is no point in listening to them; it turns out, therefore, that clearly they have no arguments, and anyone who holds a position with no arguments is wicked or foolish—and so on ad infinitum. Thus the process escalates and turns a debate into a quarrel, and a search for positions in light of arguments into the personal disqualification of the people who hold those positions. That’s how a debate between two positions becomes a quarrel between two churches.

And Again—the Results

When the dispute is between churches, neither arguments nor facts will help. Anyone who presents a fact that doesn’t fit the agenda will be described as “fake” (confirmation bias moves to center stage). Arguments are not listened to at all. Any criticism of institutions or bodies (the courts, the police, the government, the press, the academy) that leans to one side or the other is necessarily incorrect. Creative interpretations are used, facts are skewed, propaganda, lies, and concealments are employed—everything justified for the holy religious goal of the victory of the children of light and the defeat of the children of darkness. Government supporters are certain that the courts are working in tandem with Hamas and the European Union to destroy the state; the Kaplanists are convinced that the police “have already fallen,” and perhaps the army as well (see Bogie’s words above: he explains to us that the entire General Staff is sending our soldiers to commit war crimes only because of capitulation to Bibi’s cynical schemes). The Shin Bet hasn’t fallen—yet—but that’s only because the government is acting against it and its head. In that case it immediately becomes the principal institution defending democracy. The head of the Shin Bet—one of the chief officials responsible for the October disaster—becomes a saint from the womb. Gallant, once reviled, became the darling of the nation the moment he took a stance in opposition to the government. And on the other side, any journalist or academic becomes a traitor if he opposes the reform or the government. The police and the internal affairs unit are, of course, oppositional bodies (they have “fallen,” though if you ask Miri Regev and her supporters, their fall is to the Kaplanist side).

As noted above, this process has two main results: (A) Each side’s positions are more superficial and less credible (less close to the truth). They do not address the difficulties and the opposing side’s arguments—simply because in their view there are none. (B) Once the other side has no arguments, its positions are wicked and foolish, and so are those who hold them. In such a situation I am not willing to sit with them at a meal—that is, to conduct life with them according to the rules we have accepted. I am not willing to accept the decision of the majority or the rulings of the courts if everything consists of schemes that advance the aims of the wicked and foolish.

The conclusion is that the vicious cycle I described necessarily pushes us to split into two churches and puts us in a situation that is inherently without exit (for a mathematical description of a similar process, see Columns 450451). What could be the solution?

The Solution

In truth, I don’t have a solution, because what I’m about to propose is naïve and has no practical chance. I propose simply to listen to the other side’s arguments. I promise you that although your sense of absolute righteousness will be harmed (you may no longer remain children of light facing children of darkness—consider yourselves warned!), you will gain a great deal. Your own positions will be better grounded and more balanced, and you will also come to understand that opposite you stand human beings—some wiser, some less so; some more righteous, some less so—just like in your own group/church—only they hold different positions. They too have not-bad arguments in favor of their position. If we reach such recognition, we will all be able to continue to live within these debates and to make decisions in an agreed-upon way. We will cease being churches, and suddenly there will be a meal and a table and we will be able to sit around it, argue, and then agree or make decisions by an agreed-upon democratic method.

Once positions are clarified and balanced, we will realize that the distance between us is not great (the loud fringes that are so dominant right now in our discourse will be pushed aside to their proper place), and the decision will already seem less dramatic. At times we will even realize that we agree entirely—Heaven forfend—and even if not, it will at least matter less if the decision leans a bit to one side or the other. As long as this remains within some range inside the agreed framework, no disaster occurs if it tilts a bit here or there.

Just as the problem exists on both sides, the solution (the demand to listen) addresses both. There are no children of light here and no children of darkness. There are hardly any wicked people. Unfortunately there are many fools, but that is only because we make ourselves foolish by refusing to make decisions and to form positions in a reasonable, logical way. This is true of almost all debates and all sides on every issue on the agenda—without exception: in the debate over the reform, over the war, over the hostage deal, over drafting Haredim, over Bibi, over Left and Right, and more and more. There is no significant live issue that receives substantive discussion, and there is no real reason for that. True believers and churches only harm discourse and truth; the time has come to rid ourselves of the religiosity and the religionists.

How Does All This Relate to Wittgenstein?

In the preface to his early work, the Tractatus, Wittgenstein writes with dazzling optimism:

“It seems to me that the truth of the thoughts presented here is unassailable and definitive. I therefore believe myself to have found, on all essential points, the final solution of the problems.”

But immediately afterward he adds that he was surprised to discover how little was accomplished thereby. It turns out that perfect solutions are not worth much (as in the hot-air-balloon joke at the start of my book Two Carriages, which teaches us that mathematics is utterly precise and therefore of no help at all). So too with the solution I proposed. It is indeed called for by the diagnosis—positively perfect. Except that, as noted, it is not truly implementable. People will not accept it because they are trapped in their churchly conceptions. So why does this analysis still have value?

First, because individual people can adopt it. The churches will of course not decide of their own accord to dissolve themselves, but if many individuals adopt this approach, there is a chance that the churches will dissolve in the end—or remain with a handful of fanatical believers and be cast to the margins. Second, even if the churches remain as they are, every person who adopts such an approach will benefit, since his positions will be more balanced, fuller, and truer. Even if the general social situation is not solved by this, any improvement in my own stance is not a small matter. Third, the loop that describes the escalating polarization and its consequences—this is a diagnosis of our situation. I think a diagnosis has value even if I have no cure for it: both because it helps me understand the situation, which itself has value, and because perhaps those wiser than I will come and find a practical way to implement it.

Discussion

Sh. Z. Havlin (2025-05-09)

Hello, the main and infuriating problem with all the prettified verbiage of the logical and ideological analysts is the attempt to balance the rivals at any cost, and to sling mud and filth at both sides. Thus, for example, in such a position there appears that despicable man true to his name, the partner and crony of the corrupt scoundrel Ehud Barak, with whom he stole horses together, and they both exercised the right to remain silent. And to my mind this is like comparing, say, the murderers of the Fogel family, or of the baby Paz, or all the other slaughtered and butchered victims in the bloody events whose horrors no words suffice to describe, with the balancing of that against the offenses of the lady from south Tel Aviv who ‘defaced’ real estate (good heavens, ‘defaced’—how terrible and awful, when all she did was dirty a few stones …!). All these comparisons and balances are abominable lies and a feeble attempt to create some sort of equivalence between the sins of the two sides.
I am very astonished at you. From the very fibers of your writing it is clear that you know the truth, and yet you rebel against it and do not dare to stand behind it courageously and explicitly. (By the way, I recall that on this matter the great genius whom you admire, Y. Leibowitz, erred when he said there is no such midrash about Nimrod, that he ‘knows his Master and rebels against Him,’ but in truth there are explicit sources for it.)
In view of the exploits of the law-enforcement system and the judicial system, including the prosecution and various courts—their brazenness and audacity to deceive, lie, frame people, and throw them in prison for nothing for a long time. And the ‘enlightened’ public is silent, down to the Attorney General committing adultery under her helpless husband’s nose before all Israel and even putting her adulterous lover forward as a prosecution witness … against the prime minister, heavens above—and everyone is silent; they pounce on little children and destroy their world, and what are they guilty of … and they look for balance, balance, and call on both sides to act with restraint. Ugh.

Michi (2025-05-09)

Hello, our rabbi.
I am amazed at a gentleman who errs in the ABCs of reading comprehension. I did not compare anyone to anyone. What I wrote is that both sides suffer from a lack of listening and do not take the other side’s arguments into account. Do you think that is not true? The question of who is better/more moral and who less so, and whose worldview is more correct, is not the issue here. My views are here in plain sight for all to see, and you can form the impression that on matters of security and policy I am much closer to the coalition than to its opponents, while on matters of religion and state, corruption, and sharing the burden I have harsh criticism of them. Likewise, I do not know whether the Attorney General’s adultery (I do not know whether this is true, and it seems that from your perspective the accusation itself is enough to seal her fate. Did you come to prove my claims?!) is worse than Bibi’s collection of corruptions. But all that is really irrelevant to our issue. The post was not meant to argue who is pure and who is not, and to compare. It was meant to describe a failure in our discourse and an ignoring of arguments in favor of dealing with the people making them, exactly as can unfortunately be seen in your words here. Hurling accusations (prettified, logical analysts, etc.) instead of addressing the matter substantively is part of the problem I described, and it is a shame that you demonstrated it here so immediately.
By the way, Leibowitz is by no means admired by me. Far from it. He has several correct points that I feel close to, and therefore I quote him from time to time. I also oppose ostracizing him because of his views. In your opinion, should one not quote something in the name of the one who said it if he is not from the right church?!

Haggai (2025-05-09)

In the 1990s, all opponents of Oslo were defined as “messianic lunatics, enemies of peace,” “friends of Hamas and Islamic Jihad,” and on the other side anyone who tried to argue (my humble self, for example) that the Oslo Accords were not abandonment and betrayal was accused of post-Zionism and being a useful idiot.
In my opinion, it was the same in the days of the First Lebanon War as well (though I was too young really to remember), and according to the stories, also before the establishment of the state.

Maybe it’s a human bug (or a Jewish one), but the fact is that despite the phenomenon we’ve been getting along with one another for decades, so one can be optimistic.

Boaz (2025-05-09)

Goodman wrote an excellent book about this, The Attention Revolution. How social-media technology has produced sharp polarization all over the world in the past decade and generated political and psychological crises. At the end of the book he offers several ways to defend ourselves from the prison of consciousness that polarization creates (not only private solutions, but also regulatory ones).

Haggai (2025-05-09)

So, with all due respect to Mr. Goodman, polarization has always existed; it’s just that each side was exposed mainly to opinions from its own side and didn’t see the symmetry on the other side.
Social media exposes us to both sides, so rational people understand the problem and can also genuinely get to know the sensible opinions on the other side.
Social media is not the problem; it’s part of the solution.

Boaz (2025-05-09)

You’re ignoring the “algorithm,” whose sole purpose is to make money through its ability to show you content that will keep you in the app as long as possible. The most effective way to do that is to create tribalism, hatred, and threat toward the other side. The other side revealed to you on social media is always ridiculous, evil, and stupid.

Yonadav Munk (2025-05-09)

This post is very interesting, precisely because usually the analysis here is one level above what goes on in the public sphere, and here it is one level below.

Take “Qatargate” as an example—supposedly Israel’s prime minister conducted contacts with a non-friendly Muslim-Arab state, aimed at advancing bilateral interests (a hostage deal, international prestige, etc.). Clearly, if we look at this on the Peres–Sharon left-right axis, this is a wonderful left-wing move in the direction of a new Middle East.

But of course this time the “left” is dramatizing the event and presenting it as negative, while the “right” is doing the opposite. Why?

The real reason is simple: there are no real arguments and no real positions. If Netanyahu were in favor of a deal-at-any-price (incidentally: empirically, his achievements in the left-wing value of returning hostages far exceed his achievements in the right-wing value of destroying Hamas), then Kaplan would be on the other side. If conservative right-wingers sat on the High Court and prevented the government from advancing liberal agendas—then attitudes toward the reform would reverse.

In short: the questions on the table are very simple and very easy.
The gap lies in the tribal question, because in Israel there are 2 tribes competing for primacy (or for the girl, if we liken the state to one), and all the concrete disputes are merely ways for that to manifest.

Haggai (2025-05-09)

Which is the same human “algorithm” called ratings, and it fills the studios with panels that do exactly the same thing—tribalism, hatred, and threat, for exactly the same reason (money).

A.K. (2025-05-09)

Hello,

There are apparently more than two churches, and they are expressed in sectors that over the years have gained legitimacy; right and left do not seem relevant to me. Churches: the church of Religious Zionism (with internal sects), the Sephardi Shas church (with internal sects), the Hardali church, the Ashkenazi Haredi church (with internal sects), the church of secular statist Jews, traditionalists to one degree or another, “modern” people to one degree or another (here there are 4 or 5 sects), and of course there are churches of Muslim Arabs, Christians, Druze, Circassians, and churches of Bedouin (southern and northern). But the struggle is an inter-sectarian one among the ‘Jewish brothers.’ Without going into depth or being overly precise, the legitimacy of the religious establishment alongside the institution of the state is doubtful: special privileges, bribery and funding for crazy matters from the public purse, anarchy, terror, violence, criminality, draconian control over the sect and the individual, a pyramid economy, and everything that characterizes organized religion (not necessarily only Jewish) – criminality. The Jewish religious sects and the other minorities, some of them armed, have churches/brainwashing centers for the younger generation from birth. The conduct of the sectarian religious establishment over the years, and especially in wartime, attests to the problematic nature of its existence; its goals are not pure, and its vision is problematic, at times detached from reality and dangerous to the rest. The horror felt by the secular majority/the citizens, most of whom make up the reservists and conscripts, work for a living, educate their children in the state system, and carry the economy, security… on their backs and in their faces, is justified. Anyone who studies Jewish history and the Bible, at least from Josiah’s reform until today, 77 years since independence, 80 years since the Holocaust, ought to shudder and fear the sectarian religious establishment—its scheming, its intervention in politics, the anarchy, the terror, the problematic system of beliefs and vision. In my opinion, the essential problem is ‘religion and state,’ and it should be examined in two aspects: internal social and political/security. I believe a dramatic change is required here, an external disruption in order to break out of the loop. The required disruption is a technocratic, centrist, Zionist national emergency government that will impose a constitution, a Basic Law on Legislation, separate religion from state, create an equation of rights versus duties of citizenship, and impose an economic and infrastructural dismantling (hard and soft) of the religious establishment. For the majority there is a historical problem with the religious establishment and also with religion and ritual—too many internal conflicts on a religious background, many victims in internal conflicts; this is not why we established a state 1,955 years after the previous destruction.

Modi Ta’ani (2025-05-10)

An interesting column.

Regarding “to sit at a meal or in judgment” — I am reminded of Ambassador Herzog tearing up the resolution that Zionism is racism, but Israel did agree to sit in the assembly, and did not withdraw from the UN because it was unwilling to sit with fools and wicked people. You do not always have enough power to be among the “clear-minded.”
And on the same matter: a litigant too has the right not to be judged by fools and wicked people and accept their ruling. For me, that is the foundational principle of liberal democracy: if the social contract has been broken, majority rule has no significance. That is what they shout in Kaplan: “Democracy or rebellion.”

I think you are right about Boogie’s statement. I do not think his statement is baseless: war crimes are ostensibly being committed (for example, the shooting at ambulances on March 23), the IDF Spokesperson has been caught in lies, and in any case you and I do not have information that could decide and say whether his statement is correct or baseless. But I agree that many of Ya’alon’s statements in recent years indicate hatred for Bibi, mainly because he was always a clear hawk, and he departs from that line only when Bibi is involved.

Regarding the reform, I heard Micah Goodman quote a poll according to which 60% want a slow, cautious reform with broad agreement. That is why the masses came to Kaplan and not only the Balfour people: first there was a need to stop the regime coup, and only afterward to begin reform by agreement. Here there is no symmetry between “a small step toward the government or toward the protesters,” because every step toward the government facilitates its next steps, which is not true of steps toward the protesters.

“The government must not have full control over court compositions, and as far as I know there is no proposal that gives the government such control” — but that was Levin’s original proposal! I quote Wikipedia: “The Judicial Selection Committee would be expanded from nine members to eleven; seven from the coalition, one from the opposition, and three judges. Two of the judges would be appointed by the President of the Supreme Court subject to the justice minister’s veto right.”

Regarding the hostages: the remark that “a hostage deal should be carried out at any price” is a straw man that you yourself describe in the next sentence: no one would be willing to evacuate the Gaza-envelope communities for the hostages. No one thinks that “at any price” is literally “at any price.” The price is known — ending the war, Hamas remains in Gaza, and the mass release of terrorists. I support this because in my opinion, continuing the war endangers the state’s security more than ending the war does, and it is strange to me that by now you have not heard arguments that justify such a position.

“When I tell them that I too, as someone they know, agree with the basic policy of Bibi and Smotrich, although I do care about the hostages, they agree. But not in Bibi’s case” — and it is not clear to you why? Bibi clearly has interests that make every action or statement of his suspect as aimed at saving himself from prison. You have no such interests. Nor do Shikma Bressler and Yair Golan.

It seems to me that, like many intellectuals, you fall into the trap of symmetry, as though the two churches are similar. But in fact you know only your own loop. In this entire column there is not one argument that departs from your church’s line, and there is no evidence that you yourself listen to anyone from the other side.

There is no real symmetry in the world. Only we, as creatures with brains, seek symmetry.

Nice Guy (2025-05-10)

Hello and blessings.
In most hesder yeshivot there is often a presentation of both sides’ arguments and a genuine attempt to discuss them objectively, unlike academic institutions where there is none.
Also in advanced yeshivot there is often proper discourse among the students.
Indeed, on every side there are people who cannot listen. But it is not comparable in quality or quantity. “Intellectuals” on the left are not willing to listen at all, unlike intellectuals on the right who generally are.

Therefore, in my humble opinion, the comparison is inaccurate.

Ezra (2025-05-10)

Your attempt to place the blame for this dialogue of the deaf on both sides, that is, fifty-fifty (more or less—and that is the plain meaning any person can understand, and the reactions here also prove the point), reminds one of the well-known Jewish joke about the maker of premium sausage:
“I make the finest horse-meat sausage,” boasts the sausage maker, “I add to it no less than half fine goose meat.”
– “How do you know how to add exactly half?” the sausage maker is asked.
“Very simply,” he answered, “for every horse, I put in one goose.”
So too with you. A wrongdoing that cries out to heaven on the part of the left, and you balance it with some minor pea-sized wrongdoing on the part of the right.

David (2025-05-11)

I join the previous commenter’s words about the attempt to establish symmetry here between the right and the left — which really is the conflict here after all. Only in the deeper sense of right versus left. That is, the conflict between the synthetic and the analytic (in your language. And I include the dogmatists in the synthetic camp as well). Because today the right barely has a church, whereas the left is led by a fanatical church many times worse, one that does not believe at all in the existence of objective truth (namely, the postmodernist-progressive church). The church of the right is composed at least of people who still believe in objective truth and in the existence of collectives.
This attempt to establish such symmetry infuriates me greatly. Right-wingers generally listen to arguments, if only so they can deal with them. Leftists simply do not listen, period. Completely sealed off (and I say this as someone whose father belongs to the psychotic leftist camp). As became clear in the demonstrations against the reform (which was completely justified, and in the first place there should never have been a situation that required it, because the system was built on the assumption that criticism of the government is carried out by the Knesset, and this is meant to stand before the choice of the public every four years, and it is the public that is ultimately supposed to judge the government). The demonstrations simply exposed a public of completely psychotic people. Is a psychotic person evil? I don’t know. But he is definitely stupid. More than stupid. I only know that one cannot cooperate with psychotics. And there are no such psychotics on the right. Even among the extremists among the Haredim. Everyone on the right is life-loving. I could not access the link to Reichert’s column, but nobody thinks the courts are trying to cooperate with Hamas (rather that they are simply power-hungry without the accompanying responsibility), and he is an example that does not represent the right one bit. If he did represent the right, and the right were as psychotic as the left, you can be sure the state would no longer exist today, but would have been destroyed by civil war and external annihilation. It is only thanks to the sanity of the right that the state still exists.

There is no problem of discourse here. The problem is that in the world of the left (apparently unconsciously) there is no concept of discourse at all, only forceful verbal confrontations, and that the right either does not understand this and tries to play with the left on its own field, or alternatively lacks faith in itself that it can somehow manage on its own without the left and with faith in the Holy One, blessed be He, who will help it, and tries to perform verbal manipulations on leftists instead of understanding that the Holy One, blessed be He, probably does not want us to cooperate with them, but rather to trust in Him and act alone, period. It is quite similar to the situation the Jews of Europe were in before the Holocaust, when they did not understand that the Holy One, blessed be He, wanted them to unite and defend themselves without relying on the gentiles to defend them (and even to assist them in defending themselves).

Y.D. (2025-05-11)

And sometimes nothing happens. Decades pass, even centuries, and we remain stuck in the tangle. I recommend reading Barbara Tuchman’s A Distant Mirror, which describes a tangle the French were caught in for almost 100 years (the Hundred Years’ War) and how in the end they got out of it.

Gilad Yosef Cohen (2025-05-11)

Contrary to what you wrote, I do not think there is a church-like character in the right-wing mainstream. One can see this in the changes that Levin-Rothman’s reform proposal underwent — even before the massacre and the war; in the listening that clearly right-wing political figures (Rothman) gave to professionals from the clearly left-wing side (google panels and debates of the Israeli Forum for Law and Liberty; I heard dozens of them, one of them with Rothman and Yaniv Roznai); and finally — there is a diversity of opinions regarding each of the reform’s clauses among its supporters, and very little among its opponents. Try asking opponents of the reform for three concrete clauses (and not a vague statement that there is no doubt reform is needed, but not this reform) that they agree are necessary — anyone who passes that test and is a public figure has probably reached an agreed compromise with Rothman or Levin at one stage or another.
As a side note, you wrote that it is obvious one should not give the government/coalition control over the appointment of judges — are you familiar with the comparative study by the Kohelet Forum on the appointment of judges to upper constitutional courts? If not — highly recommended reading; it gives an excellent perspective on the issue. For reinforcement, you can read the parallel study by the Israel Democracy Institute just to see how much less they address the point compared to Kohelet’s researchers.

Meharher (2025-05-11)

Listen, brother, I really don’t know what world you live in… Have you ever even met a religious person? “Anarchy, terror, violence, criminality, draconian control over the sect and the individual, a pyramid economy, and everything that characterizes organized religion.” What are you talking about? “Anyone who studies Jewish history” knows that you do not really know Judaism or the people who adhere to its principles. Really, a sincere suggestion: go get to know the people you’re smearing. Yes, yes, those with the kippah, the long nose, and the “system of beliefs and vision.” Not secondhand, please. Because when one lives dealing with terrorist and criminal demons, it really is hard. Allow yourself to stop imagining the horns and the red eyes. Maybe go visit a nearby yeshiva. In those “brainwashing centers” that somehow dared to think differently from you. We understand that you “believe a dramatic change is required here.” I hope you understand that we are allowed not to agree with the changes you want. “Impose an economic and infrastructural dismantling of the religious establishment.” (Sigh.) Why do you want to dismantle an establishment you do not even know? I hope that if someone ever tells me that I’m babbling nonsense and am completely detached from reality, I will at least stop to consider my arguments and examine, if only for a moment, my sources. I hope you will too.

Roi Shulman (2025-05-12)

It’s amazing how almost every response proves Michi’s point.

As an aside — in my view one should be very careful when dealing with positive feedback loops. After all, the above analysis describes a process of disintegration with no end. The question therefore arises — why, then, has not all human society already been completely broken apart since time immemorial, with no group willing to sit at table with any other group? And yet groups unite with others all the time. The answer is that alongside those positive feedback loops there are other, opposing processes, and it is worth researching and understanding them. In this context I recommend the book Margin of Error by Prof. Eran Halperin. It is not free of ideology, but his analysis there is, in my view, illuminating.

Michi (2025-05-12)

Indeed. I will only note that by my abundant holy spirit I foresaw this point and even wrote it in the column (at the beginning of the section “Two Churches”). I will note that there was at least one other response that was deleted (it was from a chronic obsessive who keeps returning here again and again with his church dogmas), because it proved my thesis too well. I see no point in replying to such people, because it is evident that they are not dialogue partners. They are stuck deep inside the church (although some of their arguments are of course correct, as I wrote. But the one-sidedness neutralizes the possibility of discourse).
I completely agree that alongside the process I described there are other components and influences. I never think that one theoretical principle can explain reality. The whole point of analyzing reality (as in science) is to isolate one process, put it in focus, and describe it. For that purpose one ignores other influences (as is done in a laboratory, whose purpose is to neutralize the complications of reality and create a Platonic reality in which one can investigate a single principle in isolation. I discussed this in my article on ukimtot.
One of the diseases of theoreticians and thinkers is to take their theory (sometimes a correct one) and apply it as-is to reality. That never works, and then the forcing begins. The right way is to use the theoretical analysis as a conceptual framework that describes one of the influences. To try to isolate all the others one by one, and finally, after we have understood each one separately, to try to think what will happen when we are in reality itself with all the influences combined.

Eran (2025-05-12)

“An argument between two churches” is an excellent title. There is still a substantive difference in my view. Members of the “right-wing” church are usually not the smartest stratum. The educated on the right — will be far more measured and attentive.
By contrast, members of the “left-wing” church are the elite itself, and there really is no one to talk to.

David (2025-05-12)

Don’t be amazed. The responses prove nothing. These responses were reasoned in the highest degree. With Michi it seems that symmetry is sacred, and therefore he distorts reality for the sake of symmetry, as if the truth lies in the middle. Well, no. It is not in the middle. Here there are (generally speaking) good guys and bad guys. As in the war between us and the Palestinians.

David (2025-05-12)

Do you realize that what you’ve just said means that your thesis is unfalsifiable? After all, what you are basically saying here is that anyone who disagrees with you in the comments and argues that indeed there is no discourse, but not because both sides are unwilling to listen, rather because one side is unwilling to listen (and I argue that this is built into its very worldview, as you nicely described in the book Two Wagons. I have argued with leftists thousands of times, and whenever the moment of truth came when they had to address basic claims, they answered me: “I know that claim” or “I don’t want to hear” or “fascist,” and were unable to address it substantively, such as whether the claim is correct or not), he thereby proves your claim that both sides are trapped in an inability to listen….

Hilkiah (2025-05-12)

Thank you very much for the wonderful article. I just wanted to note that in my opinion the main problematic point is that for substantive discussion you need openness from both sides, because one-sided openness (Beit Hillel) may help you be right, but it will contribute nothing to dissolving the dispute in the direction of discussion.

Yossi (2025-05-13)

Every word is true.
Political views and opinions sit much more on identity and belonging than on sound thinking, and as the years pass, identity around those views only grows stronger.
A process of deep investigation of one’s personal opinions and views undermines many “truths” and can unsettle a person’s identity.
A painful process, but one of enormous value. From personal experience.

Thank you for the integrity and radical honesty,
you are one of the exceptional few of this generation.

Yair (2025-05-13)

Well written, Rabbi Michi, but I wonder at you why you do not use the same logic regarding the Haredi public. You are accustomed to calling them every possible derogatory name, accusing them of lies, corruption, and exploitation, and presenting them as a public that is evil and corrupt to the core.
Is it impossible to understand their logic? Is there not some justice to their claims? Is the entire discussion with them black and white?

Michi (2025-05-13)

Definitely not. I listened carefully to their arguments, so I treat them in exactly the same way. And my conclusion is
that their arguments are stupid and that this is clearly a brainwashed and parasitic sect. Obviously, as individuals there are better and worse people there, but as a society it is an evil society, and they are children captured by their own hands.
By the way, my conclusion regarding the arguments of those who support a deal is also unequivocal.

Shalom Israel (2025-05-14)

The beginning of the vicious circle seems to me somewhat different from what is stated in the (instructive) article. In my opinion, it does not “begin with the feeling that they might still persuade us if we listen to them. So … we declare that anyone who thinks as they do is wicked and/or stupid.”
In my opinion, the reason for members of the Jewish tribes perceiving members of other tribes as wicked, and sometimes also as stupid, is xenophobia—hatred of strangers—which is an innate trait, as research shows (though one can educate oneself to control this emotion, as is customary with the innate emotion of aggression). This innate xenophobia is fueled by propaganda.
The perception of Jews from other tribes as strangers is caused, in my view, by the walls between the tribes (which are here to stay), as Martin Luther King said, that separation itself between groups causes hatred between them. In my opinion, separation causes estrangement, which causes lack of trust, which causes certain suspicions, and when these accumulate over the years, xenophobia is produced.

Yair (2025-05-14)

Unwittingly, you yourself belong to the church that opposes releasing hostages and opposes ending the war, even though there is no sufficiently good reason to continue it; all the rational arguments voiced to you are not enough in your eyes.

All this even though in hindsight almost every forecast or basic assumption of yours has been disproved by reality.
I saw this very clearly when you wrote about the call to release the hostages and end the war—mass psychosis / hostage carnival / surrender to emotion, just like all the “rational right-wingers” (right wing in double quotation marks, of course). Before the second deal, and during it, there were many opinion pieces by “rationalists” opposing it and classifying everyone else as emotional. Already in real time I wrote to you that releasing hostages is דווקא the rational thing, and opposition stems from unjustified emotionalism (irrational fear of terror) or from a desire to settle Gaza (albeit a minority), and not from rational considerations.

You made an explicit prediction that after the second hostage deal it would not be possible to return to fighting — and that was completely disproved, yet even so you do not conduct a renewed examination of your basic assumptions. You had a basic assumption that Hamas would not return all the hostages — but that too was disproved when Hamas announced that it was willing to return all of them in exchange for ending the war — and Netanyahu addressed the proposal in a video and announced that he was not accepting it because he does not surrender to terror. And yes, I know you will say that “total victory” overrides returning the hostages.

And finally, this government says of itself that it is “full-on right wing,” and yet after more than a year and a half of fighting they still have not declared Hamas toppled… So at first they excused it with “Gallant is a mole,” afterward “the chief of staff is not aggressive enough,” then “Biden is preventing us,” and now Ronen Bar is to blame for the lack of progress in the fighting, and yesterday I saw MK Amit Halevi (Likud) blaming the Attorney General (I promise) for why we are not winning in Gaza. Considering that Israel changed the Middle East (in Netanyahu’s own words), perhaps total victory in Gaza is simply an illusion being sold to the public at the expense of the hostages’ release? (Of course, another explanation could be that the people in the government are simply incompetents…)

As for total victory, toppling Hamas is not a goal worth fighting for — and that is usually what is meant when people talk about total victory. After all, most of Hamas’s military capabilities were already lost a year ago; Hamas does not pose a threat to Israel as it did on 10/7; and Hamas’s governing capabilities will not disappear unless someone else is found to rule there as long as there are Palestinians there. And even if, hypothetically, everyone who has Hamas written on his forehead were exiled to Indonesia, another terror organization would simply take control (just for general knowledge, *before* 10/7 there were more than 10 terrorist factions in the Strip; Hamas was simply the largest), so all the intensive work of IDF soldiers is not worth the benefit. Israeli military rule would indeed significantly reduce terrorism, but it would have its costs — I assume this is the government’s ultimate intention — and there needs to be a public discussion of those costs, and certainly the 10/7 government cannot decide such a thing.

In short, you too belong to one of the churches, and instead of presenting serious discussion and serious arguments against a deal / ending the war, you classify people as a church / as mass psychosis and other nice expressions..

P.S. And all this without even discussing the morality of the fighting, with the war crimes that are occasionally revealed even to the Israeli public, and without discussing the fact that we have destroyed 2.5% of the population (according to the more conservative estimates)…

I don’t know whether my previous comment was deleted or simply didn’t go up, so I posted it again…

Zevulun Hammer (2025-05-14)

Someone from the other side listened to you and is responding to you

1. I think the “social contract” argument is not understood at all.
What is this contract, and who signed it?
It sounds like just another slogan like “democracy.”
Michi’s whole argument is that in Kaplan they decided in advance that there are fools or wicked people, regardless of the facts.

2. Boogie’s statement is about the system, about the General Staff.
The argument is that he too has no such information, and it is absurd to think he would.

3. The historical facts are that Kaplan continued and continues even after the reform was halted.
Not a single Kaplanist was seen supporting the very moderate change in the composition of the committee this year.
They are not in the discussion at all; all their arguments were scare tactics.
And that is indeed Michi’s argument: that the story begins with scare tactics, not with a discussion of justice, such as who is sovereign — the government or the High Court.

4. Regarding Levin’s proposal, you are right in principle,
but it is not accurate to say that three MKs from the coalition are under the government’s control.
Sometimes it is the other way around; the government is under the Knesset’s control.

5. If continuing the war is not good for security, then there is no “price” being paid by ending it.
Michi’s discussion is with someone who claims that it is a price, but a legitimate price.
And in that he is indeed gravely mistaken, and it rather contradicts his whole column
— because this dispute is indeed rooted very, very deeply in matters of right and left.
There is almost no one who seriously says it will be possible to return to fighting, and actually means and wants to return to ground fighting, certainly not to pay the prices that would be required for that after signing an agreement.

6. Think for a moment logically,
suppose Netanyahu really wants only to rule, but Smotrich’s arguments are fair.
Who cares what Netanyahu wants?
Address the arguments.
But all of Kaplan’s discussion goes straight to the extreme, all under the framing of the last 50 years:
Smotrich = messianic = doesn’t want security = only wants settlement
Bibi = corrupt = afraid of prison = only power will save him from there (why?)
Try for a moment to think about these conventions and you will see salvations.
Quite apart from the stupidity from a logical standpoint:
A. Bibi explicitly declared there would be no settlements in Gaza, so how
B. If it will be possible to fight Hamas afterward, why should Smotrich care? Let him fight and settle afterward???

Zevulun Hammer (2025-05-14)

You’re funny.
Michi does indeed argue that the government is incompetent in this context.
I rather disagree, but that is not relevant.
But eliminating Hamas was a goal the whole people agreed on a year and a half ago.
They now want to try again, without Herzi and without Gallant,
and they really do have a rather different strategy, which those two explicitly opposed.

Yaeli (2025-05-15)

And does it have no significance that the people closest to him had a substantial financial gain as a result of those contacts?

Sigal (2025-05-15)

I read Or Reichert’s column and it is excellent, and I sign every word of it. How depressing that even the liberal national-religious people (whom I too used to be part of) cannot be relied upon, and that in the end they too have no loyalty like their brothers on the left.

Ariel (2025-05-16)

Either you do not know such people on the right, or you are among those people yourselves. Unfortunately, I know such people on both sides.

Yair (2025-05-16)

Whether one thinks they are incompetents or not, the facts show that Hezbollah collapsed even though objectively it is stronger than Hamas — so apparently the government’s incompetence is not supposed to affect victory/defeat all that much.
Not everyone agreed to the “elimination of Hamas”; as far as I know, the goal of the war was to dismantle Hamas’s military capabilities, and even if everyone agreed — they did not necessarily agree that this would continue for two/three years or more…
Gallant was dismissed six months ago and Herzi two months ago — how long will people be willing for the war to continue for the sake of the “new strategy”?

Maor Shriki (2025-05-18)

If I may sum up your arguments: there is symmetry between the two sides in lack of substance and lack of listening.
Now we are trapped: anyone who comes to argue that there is no symmetry because one side is right, you will simply say is blind to his own side, which exactly proves your position, and that exactly such a response could be written by the other side as well, which is also sure that only it is right and that there is no comparison between it and the first side.

Leave Israeli society and our specific issues aside for a moment: in some other situation with two such sides, and I as a curious observer from the side who decided to study the issues came to the conclusion that one side is right and the other side is wrong — how can your claim be refuted at all? After all, no matter how substantively I write and how much I address the matter itself regarding the side I think is wrong, the symmetry-people (I haven’t heard this from you, correct me if I’m wrong) dismiss my arguments with contempt in the style of “you’re proving what I’m writing” and “they also think they’re right.”

In the end, I think there is no avoiding getting dirty, going down to the details and detailed arguments, and deciding in each case who is right and why…

Michi (2025-05-18)

Sometimes I feel that I am writing to the wall, until I remember that there are readers beyond those who comment. Then I gather my utmost patience and explain again to the commenters, even if the matters really do not require explanation (“it is not the same to review one’s chapter a hundred times”…). So I will do here as well.
I will begin by saying that there are many failures in your words (many, meaning in percentage terms. All your words—100% of them—are failures):
1. You are not summarizing my arguments but my conclusions. The arguments are those that establish those conclusions.
2. Even if you are right in summarizing my conclusions, the trap you described is not a conclusion that follows from them. How did you infer that anyone who argues there is no symmetry (that is, anyone who has a position) is church-like in my eyes? I said this about several specific disputes (and showed it by means of arguments), and you decide that I say it in all cases (also without arguments). To test this empirically, you need not go far. You can check this site, or even the comments on this very post, to see whether everyone who thinks differently from me I accuse of church-like thinking and refuse to address his arguments.
After all, even in this very post I addressed the writer’s arguments in great detail one by one, and, astonishingly enough, I even agreed with some of them. Is that church-like thinking? Perhaps by your definition, but not by mine. My conclusion that the writer is church-like derived from the fact that I showed that his thinking is tendentious, that he does not address the other side’s arguments but a straw man, and that he interprets the words of his opponents in a tendentious way. That is a conclusion I demonstrated on the basis of arguments. Is that church-like thinking in your view? Fine, from your perspective anyone who has a position is church-like. But then you should have presented a position of your own, rather than presenting this as though you were attacking mine. You are not.
3. Your claim regarding the observer from the side is incorrect. But that is not an additional failure; it is the result of the previous ones. An observer from the side should indeed enter into the arguments and decide accordingly. And if he is not capable of that — then let him remain in doubt. That is legitimate.
4. Your conclusion that one must “get dirty” and go down to the details is precisely my claim. So here you have a substantial failure of reading comprehension.
But your failure of reading comprehension is even more basic. You did not understand my words at all. I will try to spell them out beyond what is necessary so as not to leave room for further failures of reading comprehension:
A. I defined church-like thinking as thinking that does not take opposing arguments into account and barricades itself in its a priori positions. It is unwilling to listen.
B. When I described a certain position as church-like, it was not because I disagreed with it (for I argued that even those with whom I agree suffer from church-like thinking), but because I showed that it is not properly formed. It does not address opposing positions and does not take them into account.
C. Conclusion: not everyone who has a position and disagrees with those who hold other positions is church-like by my definition. That is true only if he does not listen to their arguments and does not address them seriously. In other words: saying that someone is church-like is not, for me, an argument but a conclusion. After I have raised arguments and shown that he ignores the opposing arguments, I conclude that he is church-like. Whereas you understood that, in my view, everyone who disagrees with me (or actually everyone who has a position, including myself?) is church-like.
D. Conclusion: the fact that I have a position does not mean that I will not seriously address opposing positions. I will address them, and then decide for or against. Whether I decide this way or that way, that is not church-like thinking.
E. Further conclusion: even if I decide against, that does not mean I did not address the arguments (that is, that I am church-like). To know whether I addressed them or not, one must examine my words and see how I formed my position.
F. Since your declarations have no connection whatsoever to my claims and arguments, I have before me one of two possibilities: 1. To think you are incapable of understanding my words. Unlikely, because I think they are not complicated and I explained them well. 2. You are church-barricaded in your position and unwilling to address arguments.

In conclusion, it seems to me that your message is a good example from which you can learn the meaning of the church-like thinking I was talking about. When someone raises a claim or presents a position without considering opposing positions (but not when he holds a reasoned position), he is church-like. And if someone raises criticism of a certain position without even taking the trouble to understand what it says (like you), that is already a full-fledged pope.

Modi Ta’ani (2025-05-23)

1. The social contract is of course what Hobbes and Locke spoke about from two different angles. There is no room for misunderstanding here.
2. Not an argument but a claim that Boogie does not know what we do not know. I am not sure that claim is correct.
3. The reform was not stopped, but slowed down. Therefore Kaplan continued. Even when Kaplan stopped after October 7, the regime coup continued.
4. To say that the government is under the Knesset’s control is to say that I haven’t been in the country for at least a decade.
5. The principle is to assume that whoever claims something agrees with his own claim. Whoever claims it is possible to return to fighting indeed thinks it is possible to return to fighting. We returned to fighting after the previous prisoner deals.

6. The argument is that Smotrich is messianic, and in his eyes security (and also the economy) come from God, and if we do God’s will everything will work out. This is not a conspiracy because he said it explicitly.
Bibi is corrupt (do you doubt it?) afraid of prison (do you doubt it?) and only power will save him (do you doubt it?) Does that mean this is his primary consideration? No. But he is in a huge conflict of interest.

A. Bibi explicitly declared it, but there is no reason to believe he means it.
B. Smotrich indeed does not think it will be possible to fight afterward. I do not understand the contradiction.

Modi Ta’ani (2025-05-23)

This is common among intellectuals: the desire for the theory to be beautiful and symmetrical clashes with reality, which is never beautiful or symmetrical.

Or Reichert (2025-06-30)

Hello and blessings, honorable Rabbi Dr. Michi.
Indeed, my column was childish and tendentious; I deleted it a day later, and I will rewrite it, God willing.

And to our matter:
Your entire column laments the lack of proper discourse, the lack of substance, the absence of arguments.
That each side entrenches itself in its own opinion. Two churches with no ability to communicate.
And yet you did not answer any of the arguments I raised.
You did not bring a single claim, fact, understanding, ability.
You poured out your bitterness over the very existence of the argument, something people without the ability to answer facts do. Meta-analysis of nothing.

***Moreover, you called me a “creature,” which is exactly what you were railing against throughout this entire column.***

Where we come from, that is called hypocrisy, a hump, or anything else that shows the writer sins with the very same sin he denounces.

“And in the moral, neither of the two sects is willing to accept the rules of democracy and our legal mechanisms, and therefore there is no way to make joint decisions. This is because, in their view, their opponents are not legitimate. They are not willing to make decisions together with them because, in their opinion, they are wicked and/or stupid.”

I believe the clear-minded of Jerusalem would not have agreed to join a court panel on which you serve.
You dug a pit and fell into it.

I happened to listen to several of your discussions and debates with the other side. A master class in grinding water, to perfection.
I understand that you enjoy the philosophical discussion itself, and that is wonderful. Where are you going with all this ground water? Who is the target audience? The talking itself? Because you met with the other side that disagrees with you, and when you part it is as though you never met?

Do not flatter yourself.

A wise man does not enter a pit that a clever man knows how to get out of.

But a wise man does not know how to get out of the pit if he falls into it. A wise man is found in academia and the study hall, chattering himself to death. Like the Haredim, who study and study, but in practice only studied. Wise, but for themselves.

I prefer to be a clever creature rather than a wise grinder of water who thinks everything is symmetrical, thirsty for everyone’s love and without real faith in the justice of his path, sinning with the sins he warns against and falling into pits he does not know how to get out of.

If you need branding for ground water, talk to me.

Much success.

Michi (2025-06-30)

You have a basic error in logic. The fact that one should listen to the other person’s arguments does not necessarily mean that one will always find merit in them. If after listening you arrive at the conclusion that this is demagogic nonsense, there is no need or value in denying that.
Good luck.

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