חדש באתר: NotebookLM עם כל תכני הרב מיכאל אברהם

For the Perplexed of the Generation – Lesson 13

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This is an English translation (via GPT-5.4). Read the original Hebrew version.

This transcript was produced automatically using artificial intelligence. There may be inaccuracies in the transcribed content and in speaker identification.

🔗 Link to the original lecture

🔗 Link to the transcript on Sofer.AI

Table of Contents

  • Opening on the right of nations to exist and the purpose of Israel
  • Concepts of nationalism: technical versus romantic, and positioning Rabbi Kook
  • The American model and the tension between ideology and non-romantic nationalism
  • Extreme romantic nationalism and the academic discussion of imagined communities
  • Rabbi Kook as a product of his time and nationalism as the seal of the Torah
  • National religion versus private religion and reading the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh)
  • The distinction between private properties and collective properties, and the example of liquidity
  • Ontology of the collective and Jewish law: the law of the city and social examples
  • Collective punishment, war, and the status of a pursuer: the moral dispute stems from ontology
  • “Do not fear any man,” risk to the judge, and the soldier in war: the limits of subordinating the individual to the collective
  • The utopia of nations in Rabbi Kook: from utilitarianism to morality, and from acting not for its own sake to acting for its own sake
  • The Book of Jonah, the gourd, and a Kantian intuition about morality and interest
  • A fixed center for the state and a world center: Israel as a central role and divine purpose
  • Closing of the lecture

Summary

General Overview

On Thursday, the 16th of Tevet 5771, December 23, 2010, in a lecture at Shavei Hevron Yeshiva, Rabbi Michael Abraham reads a passage from Rabbi Kook and places opposite it a conceptual framework that distinguishes between the right of nations to exist and a unique divine purpose in preserving the Israeli nation. Rabbi Abraham presents nationalism as an arena of two main conceptions—technical-civic nationalism versus romantic-essentialist nationalism—and places Rabbi Kook clearly on the romantic side, which sees every people as bearing a unique contribution to humanity. Rabbi Abraham questions any total identification of religion with nationalism, and argues that the Torah and Jewish law draw a more complex picture in which a person is judged and acts both as an individual and as part of a collective. This ontological distinction, he says, underlies contemporary moral and political disputes. Rabbi Abraham explains that Rabbi Kook proposes a process in which a utilitarian consideration of mutual dependence among nations eventually leads to a deeper moral conclusion against war, and finally connects the idea of Israel’s centrality to the functioning of the world as a collective that needs a center, much like a state needs a governing center.

Opening on the right of nations to exist and the purpose of Israel

Rabbi Abraham states that the passage assumes that every nation has a right or obligation to exist as a nation, and from that follows an obligation to preserve its existence and not harm it. He emphasizes a linguistic difference in the passage between the treatment of Israel, whose preservation has a divine purpose, and the treatment of the other nations, which merely have “a right to exist as a nation.” He presents this as a distinction between strong language of mission and weaker language of permission and right. Rabbi Abraham reads Rabbi Kook’s wording about the need for each nation to be perfected in its unique character, and the recognition that the character of every people is necessary “for the service of the world,” leading to the conclusion that the more each nation succeeds in its unique character, the more the happiness of all nations increases.

Concepts of nationalism: technical versus romantic, and positioning Rabbi Kook

Rabbi Abraham describes a common view of nationalism as a relatively new idea from the last few centuries, and distinguishes between technical-civic nationalism and romantic nationalism. He defines romantic nationalism as the view that a people has some basic essence, and that sovereign and political structure is meant to express it, so that the right of nations stems from mission, idea, culture, or contribution. Rabbi Abraham interprets Rabbi Kook as someone who sees every people as carrying a cargo that enriches the world—not only an inward mission but also an outward contribution—and emphasizes that for Rabbi Kook, the nation is not a technical association of individuals but an entity with special properties.

The American model and the tension between ideology and non-romantic nationalism

Rabbi Abraham presents the United States and France as examples of civic nationalism that is not based on ancestry or ethnicity but on joining foundational principles, and emphasizes that even there a strong ideology exists, expressed in the constitution, though it is not a metaphysics of ancient mission. He tells a personal story about an American aunt reacting cynically to a joke about the president in order to illustrate how deeply embedded the sanctity of state institutions can be in public consciousness, and compares the attitude toward the constitution to what we would call “Torah-level.” He notes that the early Puritans carried a sense of being a “new Zion” and had a connection to the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh), but argues that this does not characterize all Americans. He also adds a description of complex and non-intuitive political-religious correlations in the United States. Rabbi Abraham argues that lack of awareness of a role does not negate the actual existence of ideas in practice, but opposes forcing the nation to be “metaphysicians,” and stresses that American nationalism is a clear model of non-romantic nationalism.

Extreme romantic nationalism and the academic discussion of imagined communities

Rabbi Abraham brings up the Nazis as an example of extreme romantic nationalism that sought to ground race and deep essence and was tied to mythologies and metaphysical myths. He presents the scholarly discussion of “imagined communities” and the attempt to argue that there is no essence to a nation, only a technical association of individuals with invented traditions and mythologies for various purposes. He mentions Shlomo Sand and his book on “Who Invented the Jewish People” as an application of the imagined communities idea to the Jewish people, and presents this as a move serving the motivation to place both sides in the conflict with the Palestinians on the same platform. Rabbi Abraham argues that this claim is problematic and ignores facts, including genetic testing that shows a significant connection among Jewish communities worldwide, which are more similar to one another than to their surrounding non-Jewish environments.

Rabbi Kook as a product of his time and nationalism as the seal of the Torah

Rabbi Abraham argues that Rabbi Kook did not invent this out of nothing, but was a “product of the landscape of his birthplace,” of a period in which romantic ideas of nationalism flourished. He brought them into Jewish thought and placed them at the center of his teaching. Rabbi Abraham quotes the ending: “Therefore our holy Torah is entirely sealed with the seal of nationalism, and this is especially emphasized through the Oral Torah,” and expresses disagreement with the claim while emphasizing its force as a distinctly Rabbi Kookian position. He argues that in Rabbi Kook’s time, ideas of the nation as a collective bearing ideas were popular throughout the world, whereas today, on the intellectual-academic plane, things have shifted, creating a greater conflict for his students with the surrounding environment. Rabbi Abraham notes similarities between Rabbi Kook’s writings and those of European thinkers, and emphasizes that the question of “who his students are” is itself complex within the discourse.

National religion versus private religion and reading the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh)

Rabbi Abraham presents Rabbi Kook’s position as a rejection of “private religion,” arguing that for Rabbi Kook religion and nation are the same thing, and a person is religious only as part of the nation. He offers a counterclaim that from the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh) alone it is not correct to conclude that the religious addressee is the collective rather than the individual, because the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh) was written within a historically focused consciousness of wars and prophecy, which by nature addresses the people. Rabbi Abraham points out that most commandments are private—such as keeping the Sabbath and dietary prohibitions—and distinguishes between addressing a plurality as a collection of individuals and addressing a collective in the singular, bringing the example of “Israel encamped” versus “they encamped,” and the shifts in Parashat Nitzavim. He emphasizes that presenting divine service as if it were only collective is, in his view, not a correct description of the tradition, and places the national-religious conception as a product of the romantic period, appearing even in Spinoza in a way that Rabbi Abraham sees as mistaken.

The distinction between private properties and collective properties, and the example of liquidity

Rabbi Abraham defines a “collective property” as a property that characterizes none of the constituent individuals but rather the relations and organization of the whole, and cites John Searle and the example of “liquidity” as a property of a collection of molecules that is not a property of any individual molecule. He uses this to explain that the dispute is not whether all individuals observe the same commandments, but whether observing the commandments is essentially the observance of the people as a people, such that the individual observes only by virtue of belonging to the collective. Rabbi Abraham adds a reservation about comparing physical emergence with mental emergence, arguing that in the case of liquidity one can derive the collective property from the properties of the parts, whereas in relation to mental phenomena like pain, love, and hope, there is no scientific language showing how they are identical to the properties of a collection of molecules. He describes the “new religion” of materialism in neuroscience and notes, in the name of Uzi Motro and Danny Cohen, that someone who links complex human traits to genes “apparently doesn’t know genetics,” while distinguishing between discussion of genes and discussion of the brain.

Ontology of the collective and Jewish law: the law of the city and social examples

Rabbi Abraham proposes a combined view according to which the sources do show some recognition of the collective as something real and not merely a collection of individuals, but he sees in Rabbi Kook a “total subordination” of the individual to the collective. He brings a halakhic example from Maimonides in the laws of repentance, where on Rosh Hashanah a person, a city, and a state are judged, and presents the question of the commentators—why judge the city after the individuals have already been judged—as proof of a distinct collective status. He illustrates the possibility of a gap between people who are good on the private level and a problematic collective product, and presents this as a phenomenon that is not a logical contradiction, because a person acts in two “hats.” Rabbi Abraham argues that collective judgment helps explain collective punishment in the Bible and in Jewish law, and brings examples of Sodom and the striking of “the people of the city, the people of Sodom,” and of the laws of the idolatrous city, in which even those who did not sin, including children, are affected.

Collective punishment, war, and the status of a pursuer: the moral dispute stems from ontology

Rabbi Abraham states that modern opposition to collective punishment stems from an individualistic conception that sees only private persons in front of it, whereas a conception that sees a people in front of it can, under certain circumstances, justify punishment or harm as part of collective status. He explains that arguments about harming “innocent people” in war do not begin with morality but with ontology—what entities are being perceived: human beings or peoples. Rabbi Abraham gives the example of eliminating a target traveling with family members, and explains that permission to cause such harm can be built only if the whole collective is perceived as a “pursuer,” while in his private role the person can still be considered innocent. He also criticizes “the far right” on the map for erasing the private hat, and argues that proper judgment requires holding both hats together and constantly distinguishing under which hat we are speaking.

“Do not fear any man,” risk to the judge, and the soldier in war: the limits of subordinating the individual to the collective

Rabbi Abraham cites the rabbinic interpretation of “Do not fear any man,” which forbids a judge to withdraw from a case even when facing a violent litigant, and notes that some halakhic decisors require this even up to a doubt of danger to life. He presents the explanation that this concerns danger to the life of the collective due to the threat posed to the social and legal fabric, and sharpens the question: why is the obligation limited to doubt and not certainty? Rabbi Abraham compares this to the situation of a soldier in the army and argues that one can obligate him to enter a doubtful danger for the sake of the collective, but not compel him to enter a state of certain death. He formulates this as a principle of proportionality in which the collective is not the sole “owner” of the individual. He concludes that Jewish law yields a picture of recognition of the collective alongside preservation of an individual aspect that is not erased, and therefore a person serves God also as an individual standing before Him, not only through a national “pipeline.”

The utopia of nations in Rabbi Kook: from utilitarianism to morality, and from acting not for its own sake to acting for its own sake

Rabbi Abraham reads Rabbi Kook’s words according to which, once the idea is perfected, it will be unthinkable that “nation shall lift sword against nation,” because every nation will understand that the sword it raises “fixes its own soul,” meaning that harming another harms itself. Rabbi Abraham points to a utilitarian argument in Rabbi Kook, where refraining from war begins from self-interest rooted in mutual dependence, and not necessarily from the value of human life. He then notes that Rabbi Kook adds, “aside from the rule of justice that will be perfected,” marking a progression toward moral commitment. Rabbi Abraham emphasizes that Rabbi Kook himself describes this through the principle that “from acting not for its own sake one comes to acting for its own sake,” and that “the gateway through which one enters” good character traits is “love of oneself.” He quotes Rabbi Kook’s language that the division of nations is not an “imaginary convention” for the sake of “what is mine is mine and what is yours is yours,” but a higher purpose of perfecting humanity by broadening the fields in which each nation is uniquely distinguished.

The Book of Jonah, the gourd, and a Kantian intuition about morality and interest

Rabbi Abraham raises the episode of the gourd in the Book of Jonah and wonders about the a fortiori argument, “You had pity on the gourd… and I should not pity Nineveh,” when Jonah seemingly pitied himself because of the heat. He suggests the possibility that Jonah really did pity the gourd and not only out of self-interest; another possibility that the Holy One, blessed be He, “needs” Nineveh in the sense of wanting its existence; and a third possibility that there is no contradiction here, because self-interest can also be a basis that contains moral value. Rabbi Abraham describes a Kantian intuition that sees morality as the opposite of interest, and contrasts it with the possibility that recognizing one’s dependence on others obligates humility and corrects the tendency toward “I am, and there is nothing else.” He ties this directly to Rabbi Kook’s move in which utilitarianism serves as an entry gate into morality.

A fixed center for the state and a world center: Israel as a central role and divine purpose

Rabbi Abraham reads Rabbi Kook’s words that it is impossible to perfect the organization of a single state without a “center,” such as a king or a legislative house, and interprets this to mean that the center turns a collection of individuals into an organized people rather than leaving it as a mere collection of individuals. He presents Rabbi Kook’s analogy that the world as a whole is likewise a collective of nations that needs a center, and that this center is a people rather than a single individual. Rabbi Abraham explains that Rabbi Kook describes Israel as a spiritual center, king-like in relation to the nations, not necessarily as coercive rule, though it is also close to the idea of normative demand through the seven Noahide commandments. He returns to the opening sentence and concludes that Israel bears a necessary role that constitutes the world as a collective, and therefore its existence is not merely a right but an obligation with a divine purpose.

Closing of the lecture

That concludes the lecture of Rabbi Yitzhak Dluya, on Thursday, the 16th of Tevet 5771, December twenty-third, two thousand ten.

Full Transcript

[Speaker A] Thursday, the 16th of Tevet 5771, December twenty-third, two thousand ten, a lecture by Rabbi Michael Abraham, The Language of the Generations. Also, every nation has

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] a right to exist as a nation on the face of the earth. Meaning, here he assumes that every nation has a right or an obligation to exist as a nation, and consequently there is also an obligation to preserve that and not to harm it. And the purpose involved in preserving the Israeli nation is higher, which he is supposed to explain later on. There’s just—notice the wording—there’s the divine purpose involved in preserving the Israeli nation. In relation to the Jews he speaks about a divine purpose, and in relation to every other nation he speaks about the right to exist as a nation. Meaning, the right to exist as a nation is a weaker expression. In other words, it’s not that they have some purpose for which they exist; rather, they have a right, meaning they’re allowed to. It’s a somewhat more moderate sort of conception. I’ll read a bit more and then I’ll come back to these points. “The rational foundation, by which it is necessary that all human beings recognize that they must live a life of brothers, can reach its perfection in the life of nations only by each nation perfecting itself in its unique character. Only through the complete understanding that just as its own distinct character is something fitting in the world, so too the character of every other people is necessary for the service of the world. And it should not enter one’s mind to constrain the steps of another nation or to think that it crowds its space; rather each one should understand that as the success of each nation in its unique character increases, so does the wealth of all nations increase. The wealth of nations is indeed obvious even to the material eye, for every nation will make use of the capacities through which all the nations together perfect the world, and just as it gives to the world the things with whose perfection it is occupied, so it will take from the collective those things with whose perfection they are occupied. Therefore, only with the increase of general human success will each individual nation be made happy.” Meaning, the claim—maybe I’ll give a bit of background. In the conception of nationalism—and nationalism is a somewhat hot topic these days—the accepted conception today is that nationalism, or nationalism as people understand it today, is a new idea that began in the nineteenth century, maybe the twentieth, a bit in the eighteenth. And there are two forms in which it appears. There are also two ideological conceptions of it, but in practice too, it seems to me, it appears in two forms. There is nationalism in its technical civic sense, as maybe the United States and France are good examples of. Meaning, there isn’t there some conception—maybe I’ll say the opposite side first. And there is romantic nationalism. Romantic nationalism is a conception according to which there is some essence at the basis of a people, and the structure of sovereignty and the autonomous structure of its political or state-social conduct comes to express that unique essence. In other words, the right that each of the nations has derives from something it is supposed to bear—an idea, a unique culture, a unique contribution that it is supposed to bear. Some will see this not necessarily as a contribution but as something unique to it. What Rabbi Kook is talking about here is some contribution to the collective. Meaning that every people carries some kind of cargo that overall enriches the world around it. It’s not only in the sense of its inward mission; it’s also in the sense of its outward contribution. But for Rabbi Kook, very clearly, I think in many places, you see a romantic conception of the concept of nationalism. A romantic conception means that he sees the nation as some kind of bearer of ideas, or some entity that has special properties, and not just a technical association of individuals that creates a people. As, it seems to me, the American conception very prominently does. The American conception says that anyone who is here—it doesn’t matter, it doesn’t depend on origin and it doesn’t depend on anything else—if he accepts the basic principles, and there definitely are ideological principles there, so in that sense it is not nationalism empty of ideology. There is very strong ideology there, which is expressed in the constitution, but it is not on the basis of origin, ethnicity, things of that kind, but rather on the basis that anyone who enters here is our partner, a partner to the ideas and the commitments, and so of course he is also a partner to the rights. And this whole human collection is a people. They are the American nation. There is no metaphysical idea that it has been carrying from time immemorial, since the creation of the world, and things of that kind. There are ideas they believe in, but they’re not imprinted in their genetics. Again, this is not romanticism, but it also isn’t emptiness. It’s not some technical nation in the sense that we organize ourselves here as a state or as an orderly, institutionalized society just because it’s convenient, because life has to be organized somehow—something like what’s sometimes called thin democracy. It’s not that. In the United States there definitely are ideas there that lead the people, and I think this is really present on the ground, not only in declarations. I always remember the story—my father was in the United States with his sister, who is famously cynical, and her daughter came back from college and told some joke about the president. I don’t remember if it was Reagan—it seems to me it was Reagan. There were lots of jokes about Reagan. So she told some joke, and then his sister, sort of my aunt, bursts out and says, ‘Don’t you ever dare to speak like that on the President of the United States.’ I mean, we’re talking about a completely cynical woman, for whom nothing in the world is sacred. But there was something there that was totally incomprehensible to cynical Israeli eyes, but apparently something deeply embedded. I don’t know, I’m not familiar enough with what goes on there in practice, but apparently it’s something that really does manage to become very, very deeply embedded even in the street, among ordinary people, not only in grand declarations. The constitution there is something that is a very strong issue in the life of the private individual too. When you say that something is the Americans’ constitution—when they say ‘it’s the constitution,’ they mean what we would call Torah-level. Meaning, that’s something you simply don’t argue about at all. It’s sacred, as it were. That’s the American expression of sacred. So there definitely are ideas there. It’s not democracy in the sense of technical management of life and solving problems or making life more efficient. There is some idea there, but not in the romantic sense. Meaning, it’s not some conception that says we received a mission from the Holy One, blessed be He, to bear these ideas and spread them through the world. Among the Puritans who started the United States there was indeed some such feeling

[Speaker A] of a new Zion, these ideas that Hebrew would be the spoken language of America, all of that came from some

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] institution—a very strong connection to the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh), I said.

[Speaker A] The first Puritans, the first Americans, definitely were like that.

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] But I don’t think that characterizes Americans as a whole. It seems to me here—here it’s already a question of roots, how it works between roots and branches. But what does characterize the whole, it seems to me, is indeed that there is an idea here on the one hand, but it isn’t planted in romantic soil. Meaning, it doesn’t stem from metaphysical missions and roles and things of that kind. There are certain correlations even today, say—well, things there are complicated. In short, the Republican Party is actually the people who tend more in the religious direction, but they are more in favor of inwardness and not going out to influence the whole world. It’s דווקא the Democrats who are more secular. There are very interesting correlations there that are sometimes the opposite of what intuition would suggest. Anyway.

[Speaker C] In any case, the fact that the nation itself is not aware of its role and didn’t define it within the—doesn’t mean it doesn’t exist. Meaning, even so, maybe it still has some kind of role.

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Yes, there are all kinds of people with all sorts of outlooks. The United States is in general too big to be completely monolithic. But I think that’s fine—there can be people who think that way. I just don’t think that’s the American idea. It carries it out without that being the American

[Speaker D] idea, as if without knowing.

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] It carries it out—it clearly bears ideas—but why are you forcing them to be some sort of metaphysicians?

[Speaker C] They aren’t.

[Speaker D] It

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] doesn’t contradict the possibility that it exists. It doesn’t contradict it, but I think it doesn’t exist there. It seems to me that American nationalism is very clearly in the non-romantic direction. At least that’s how it seems to me, as far as I understand. I’m no great expert in these matters. It seems to me quite clear. On the other hand, there are of course conceptions that see the nation as having some role, some mission. Yes—obviously, with a thousand thousand distinctions—the Nazis of course tried very hard to convince themselves that they were some kind of race. It wasn’t just nationalism based on the fact that we gathered here together around certain principles we agreed on, or around a culture or a language. There is something much deeper here. That’s why they were very, very tied—there are all kinds of stories and even novels—about the connection of Nazi leaders to various mythologies and myths and grand metaphysical things, that they were the bearers of these great ideas in the world. And there you had a very, very strong expression of romantic nationalism. Germans in general are romantics, but this is a completely different nationalism. It seems to me that the new idea—the new idea in nationalism—there are some new peripheries, but obviously there were peoples before too. These debates—yes, Benedict Anderson on imagined communities and things of that sort—today try, also here in Israel to some extent, these ideas have taken hold in discourse, which sounds very strange specifically here, but Shlomo Sand has a book where he talks about who invented the Jewish people. ‘Who invented the Jewish people’ is basically applying the idea of imagined communities to the Jewish people, when the Jewish people are, it seems to me at least, perhaps the strongest counterexample to this idea of imagined communities. So to apply it specifically there sounds a bit absurd to me. But the idea does circulate, at least in academic circles, and it’s an idea that basically says there really is no essence, no essence to the nation. It’s an association on a technical basis. Sometimes even when you invent some tradition or mythology or metaphysics that we are the bearers of, that’s an invention for various needs. Many times perhaps the struggle with the Palestinians—and many of these people have a very clear position about that—sharpens this point a bit and puts these claims in a somewhat more problematic light, because there, at least as far as I understand, it really is imagined nationalism. I mean imagined in the maybe legitimate sense, but I don’t think anyone claims that there is some common origin there, some ancient idea that the Palestinian nation bears. They try to produce myths that they are ancient Philistines or things of that kind. Fine, again, that’s a classic case of imagined communities.

[Speaker C] But about that they don’t write books.

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] What? Exactly. So I’m saying that makes it look even more problematic, because what they’re trying to do in order to place us on the same platform is to show that we too are like that. We too invented all these myths in order to strengthen what we see before our eyes taking place now among our neighbors. Basically, we too went through it sixty or seventy years ago. No—they claim sixty or seventy years. Shlomo Sand, I don’t remember that it was three thousand years ago. He doesn’t remember that period. In any case—or he didn’t imagine it, I don’t know. In any case, I do understand the motivation at the root of it: the motivation is to put the two sides on the same platform. Don’t make yourself out to be the bearer of some metaphysical idea opposite some mob that just organized itself here in order to bother you. You too just organized yourself out of imagined mechanisms of that kind. But it seems to me very strange. I think there’s a disregard for facts here—not to mention a disregard for genetic testing. I’m not even talking on the simplest level. Today there are results of genetic tests showing fairly strong evidence of a connection among Jewish communities all over the world—despite all the intermixing that of course happened over the years—that they are more similar to one another than they are to their surrounding non-Jewish environment. So even in the scientific sense it seems to me this thing is a bit problematic. But fine, anyway, this idea is a very strong one today in the world of research on nationalism and modern nationalism. And Rabbi Kook, it seems to me, in many places—but certainly here—presents a completely opposite position, which by the way was very popular in his own time. Rabbi Kook too is a product of his landscape; he didn’t invent this. He takes ideas that flourished around him, the romantic ideas of nationalism, and applies them—or inserts them—into Jewish thought, and of course finds for them all kinds of supports and sources. And we know that for almost anything one can find supports and sources, so it’s not all that surprising that he succeeds. But he turns it into something very, very central in his teaching: national mission. In many places he writes that the private individual—basically all his meaning is nourished by the question of what his relation is to the national mission. He doesn’t see the person as an individual standing on his own. We’ll also see at the end of the chapter here, he ends with something—you can already see it: ‘Therefore our holy Torah is entirely sealed with the seal of nationalism, and is especially highlighted by the Oral Torah.’ Well, I’m not sure I agree with that claim, but it’s clear that this is a very strong expression of the conception he tried to promote, and that his students to this day try very hard to promote. And today it’s becoming more and more difficult because the surrounding ideas are different from what they were in Rabbi Kook’s time. In Rabbi Kook’s time these ideas were very popular throughout the world. Meaning, the conception—from the Springtime of Nations onward—of the nation as something very, very fundamental, where the person is only a citizen of the nation or an individual included in the national collective, and the national collective as some bearer of ideas, as we discussed earlier, was very popular. And Rabbi Kook basically imported that into Jewish thought. Today the world around us has changed somewhat, at least on the intellectual or academic plane. I’m not sure it has changed that much on the street—that’s already another question. There’s a very strong dissonance there. But certainly his students today are in a much sharper conflict with their environment than he was. He, on the contrary, took ideas that were circulating in his environment and inserted them into Jewish thought, lock, stock, and barrel, exactly as they were. There’s a very strong resemblance between things he writes and things other writers wrote—Hegel and all sorts of—not necessarily Hegel, there are studies on this too. And his students today are in conflict with what surrounds them. His students—or some of his students, the question of who his students are is a big question—the ones who continue in his path in one way or another, who somehow fight against the winds outside that basically deny national romanticism. And they say, fine, a nation is at most an association that can’t be avoided, but don’t make it into more than it is. In any case, that’s his basic conception. Namely, that he sees nationalism, the nation, as something very fundamental, and that the Torah—as you just read in the concluding sentence—the Torah is essentially a national Torah. And all citizens are part of that same national Torah. Religious service, say, unlike many other religions—certainly in the contemporary conception of religion—religion is perceived as something very private. A person has beliefs, lives as he understands, serves his Creator, stands before his Creator—or doesn’t stand before his Creator—but that is increasingly understood as a decision of the private individual. For Rabbi Kook there is no such thing at all as private religion. Meaning, your religion is simply that you are part of the nation; the nation and religion are the same thing, part of the national religion, and only in that sense can you really be religious.

[Speaker C] When you read the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh), that claim may be a bit sophisticated, but it sounds pretty simple.

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] The Hebrew Bible (Tanakh) mainly talks about

[Speaker C] the whole people going to serve God for three days, coming before God, standing at this mountain.

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Yes, but I think it’s hard to detach that from the fact that until not so many years ago, history was the history of wars. General history too—whoever wrote history wrote who fought, who won, who lost, who was the king and who killed him. That was more or less history. Today there’s a different conception of historical description, one that sees history as something that also has private expressions. You can describe what the ordinary person in the street thought, what so-and-so did, what this other person did. Sometimes that even sheds deeper light on historical processes than the broad brushstrokes that ancient historians used. So when you read the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh), I’m not sure it’s correct to infer from that—true, it mainly describes what happened to the people of Israel, but okay, what should it describe? Should it describe what happened to Moshe Yankele son of David Moshe, whoever it may be? Obviously it describes things in broad brushstrokes. I’m not sure it’s correct to conclude from that that the religious conception is that the addressee of religion is the people and not the private individual. In the commandments I don’t think this is expressed

[Speaker C] all that strongly.

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] The vast majority of the commandments are commandments said to private individuals. Don’t eat pork, keep the Sabbath—there’s nothing collective about that.

[Speaker E] And all the prophecies—to whom were they addressed?

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] The prophecies, certainly, because that’s their function. Prophecy isn’t meant to speak with a private individual. Prophecies speak with the people. Correct.

[Speaker E] After all, until the Holy One, blessed be He, turned—but

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Again, the question is how one addresses. In the Torah there are 613 commandments. Of those 613 commandments, relatively few are commandments that address the collective.

[Speaker C] Yes, but they’re said in the plural.

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Of course, because they’re said to each one of the individuals. What do you mean? It’s “Israel encamped there opposite the mountain” as opposed to “they encamped opposite the mountain.” You can speak in the plural and mean the collection of individuals—you’re speaking to many people—but that doesn’t mean you’re speaking to the collective. On the contrary, when one speaks to the collective, one speaks in the singular, as in “encamped.” “Israel encamped opposite the mountain” means we are speaking to you as a collective, as one body. “Hear, O Israel.” “You are standing today, all of you, before the Lord your God, your heads, your tribes…” In the opening verses of Parashat Nitzavim too, you can see a fascinating shift between singular and plural. And it has very significant meaning there. That shift between referring to a collection of individuals and referring to the collective created as a result of that covenant made there in the plains of Moab.

[Speaker C] “Be strong, and let us strengthen ourselves for our people.” Fine, there’s everything.

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] I’m not claiming there is no people in the Torah—I didn’t mean that. I only mean to say that presenting things as though religion in its essence is a national religion, and all that the private person has to do is just be part of the collective that serves God collectively—I don’t think that’s a correct presentation of our tradition, it seems to me. In my view it is a product of the period in which he lived, Rabbi Kook. And that was of course probably a very important part of what emerged in that period.

[Speaker C] Starting with Spinoza—I think his presentation is mistaken, but he presents the Jewish religion that way in the seventeenth century.

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Nu, I didn’t say Rabbi Kook invented it. I said he was influenced by what was around him. Okay, so what?

[Speaker C] Meaning, it’s not a conception that’s all that hard to notice.

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] I didn’t say it’s hard to notice. I said that in my opinion it isn’t correct.

[Speaker C] Not that in the Torah and then in the romantic period they suddenly discovered it.

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Not that they discovered it. I’m saying the conception—you know, the history of ideas is always a terribly problematic thing. I once spoke about this at a conference on Pnei Yehoshua at Bar-Ilan, yes? So I tried to show the first sparks of Lithuanian-style conceptual Talmudic study in Pnei Yehoshua, yes? Which is, I don’t know, 150 years earlier, something like that. You can see it. No one invents anything in the history of the spirit, as a creation out of nothing. The history of the spirit is always built on some sort of metamorphosis, and therefore it’s very hard to assign copyright to ideas. By the way, that’s one of the arguments against seeing copyright as something that really belongs to the creator, because you are in fact built on many others. You added your layer. And all the same, it seems to me that one cannot escape, at least in our way of thinking, from viewing someone as the father of a certain idea. Even though you will always find earlier roots before him. The one who institutionalized it, defined it, put it at the center, showed all its implications—he is the father of the idea. Not because it wasn’t there before or because you couldn’t have seen these things earlier. But it seems to me—I don’t know whether Rabbi Kook is the father of the idea, but he is certainly a very strong institutionalizer of this idea within Jewish thought. Spinoza certainly cannot be considered that, because even if he thought that way, he was not part of the organic development of Jewish thought. Fine. So at least as far as who brought it into our thinking today—something that today to many people seems obvious—that was Rabbi Kook. It did not come from some earlier source. That doesn’t mean there are no earlier sources. There are earlier sources from which one can derive many things. People speak about seventy nations and so on, and things of that kind. Certainly the Sages speak about the nation.

[Speaker C] There is almost no reward and punishment for the individual anywhere in the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh), almost none.

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] The Hebrew Bible (Tanakh) doesn’t speak—what reward and punishment could there be for the individual? What do you want there to be? The World to Come? The World to Come is not described in the Hebrew Bible (Tanakh).

[Speaker C] That he should live long? Yes, why not? “So that your days may be long.”

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No, I agree, yes, here and there. Also rain—what is that? “And I will give the rain of your land in its season”—is that reward for the individual or for the collective? For the collective.

[Speaker C] Why? Because you’ll die, fall into a pit, and die.

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] I’m asking whether rain is reward for the individual or for the collective. What do you mean, fall into a pit? Why? What suddenly? Rain is reward for the collection of individuals. Everyone needs rain, that’s all. Reward for the collective means that you’ll have a state that’s more—I don’t know—properly ordered, wealthier, whatever. Rain is something we all need, and we need it as individuals.

[Speaker C] Yes, but if I die, all the rain won’t help me either.

[Rabbi Michael Abraham] What does that have to do with anything? If I die, the reward for the collective won’t help me either. What does that have to do with the issue? Rain is not a reward for the collective. Rain is a reward for the individual. You need to drink, not “the people” need to drink. Each one of us needs to drink. What does that mean? The fact that we all need it doesn’t mean it belongs to the collective. It means it’s true for all of us as individuals. When you talk about the collective, you’re talking about something entirely different. You’re talking about something addressed only to the collective, not to each of the individuals who make up the collective. I don’t know, “Three commandments were commanded to Israel upon entering the Land: to establish the Temple, to wipe out Amalek, and to appoint a king.” All of those are collective commandments. That’s what makes them unique. Why? Because I am not commanded to appoint a king. Me personally—I’m not commanded at all. The one that is commanded is the collective. Now, true, if nobody does it then the collective also won’t do it, but the one commanded here is the collective. But when all of us are commanded not to eat pork, does that make it a collective commandment? No! What does that have to do with anything? Every individual who is bound by those commandments must not eat pork, that’s all. What? The reward is the same way. The reward is like pork—what are you saying? They tell you: you’ll have rain. What is rain? Each person will have rain in his own field, will be able to drink, will be able to grow his produce, that’s all. So what if it’s for everyone? “For everyone” does not mean it’s collective. “For everyone” is a collection of individuals. So what is collective here? The fact that we pray for rain together—fine, because we all want to pray for rain—but that doesn’t mean it’s as a collective. That’s something completely different. There is—and here we get into this issue—there’s an interesting example, I think I once spoke about it, from a philosopher named John Searle. He talks about body and soul. He has a book that came out in the Am Oved publishing house, called Mind, Brain and Science, something like that, I don’t remember the exact title, and he talks there about collective properties, right? Nowadays, because people tend toward materialism, they need to explain mental phenomena as some kind of emergence, something that somehow gets created as a collective phenomenon out of the collection of particulars. Right, you have a material structure, a material collective, and it has some collective property that appears to us like what we describe as the mental or psychological or spiritual. But the claim is that it somehow comes out of the material itself. It doesn’t mean there’s another substance here, another thing—say, the soul, another spirit—but rather it’s a property, a collective property of the body. So when he tries to explain this matter—and I think it’s absurd to say that, by the way, but that’s a different discussion, I won’t get into it here—but when he tries to explain it, he brings the following example. He says there are properties that are properties of the collective that do not characterize any of the particulars that make up that collective. One example he brings there is liquidity. Okay? There is a collection of molecules that we call a liquid in one phase, right? Liquid, solid—let’s talk about liquid, though solid and gas too, by the way, all three of those properties are collective properties. So a state of matter is a collective property. When you look at a single molecule, a single molecule is not liquid. There’s no meaning to talking about a liquid molecule. What is a liquid molecule? “Liquid” speaks about the relation between the molecules. The question is whether the connection between them is rigid or whether the connection between them is flexible. Right? That’s really what defines a liquid. So the property called liquidity is a property that characterizes the collective and not any of the particulars that make up that collective. So that’s what I call a collective property. A collective property is a property that you cannot point to and say it characterizes individual A, individual B, individual C, and therefore of course also the whole. That’s not a collective property; that’s a private property of many particulars. But there are properties that appear—this is the emergence people talk about—that appear only on the collective plane. They do not exist on the individual plane. They don’t. You can’t talk about concepts like liquid, gas, and solid in relation to a single molecule. So that’s what I mean when I speak about collectivity. Rabbi Kook did not innovate the idea that all the Jewish people have to observe the same commandments. Everybody knows that. Rabbi Kook is talking about the Jewish people observing them as a people and not as individuals. Meaning, say, if you weren’t within the framework of a people, then you’d eat pork. I’m exaggerating, but in principle. Meaning, if you’re not in the framework of a people but are just an individual, then eat pork—who cares? Meaning, the whole point of your not eating pork, or your keeping Sabbath, or honoring parents, or whatever it may be, is only insofar as you are part of the collective. In that sense it’s similar to liquidity. Just in parentheses I’ll say why I think it’s not similar to the emergence of spirit: because with liquidity, I can describe very clearly how that property comes out through integration of the properties of the particulars. If I know the field around each molecule, then I can tell you in advance that this will come out liquid. I simply see the field around the molecule and I can see. What? You can say I don’t understand. Ah, fine, maybe I also won’t understand; I can still say it even without understanding. But the collective property is a clear projection of the properties of the particulars. True, it does not appear as such on the plane of the particulars, but I can show exactly how it emerges from the properties of the particulars. But who is going to show me exactly how free will comes out of a genetic chain? Nobody in the world—not only can’t show such a thing, they don’t even know in what language one would talk about such a thing at all. What nonsense is this? Again I’m saying—what is “nonsense”? Maybe one day something like that will be found and it will be true. I don’t know. But on the basis of the scientific knowledge we have today, it’s simply absurd. But they deny free will. What? Because it’s deterministic? No, never mind, let’s talk about free will. Let’s talk about mental phenomena. Nobody denies those—we all experience them. Someone who denies them should be hospitalized. Free will one can debate. So let’s talk about love, hope, stinginess, I don’t know, all kinds of things—pain, pain—these are higher-level properties. Just plain “it hurts me when someone stabs me”—that too is a mental phenomenon. Why? Is that mental? Of course pain is a mental phenomenon. Physical? What are you talking about? It’s a completely mental sensation; every sensation is mental. It has physical, bodily causes, fine, everything does. Like light—we already talked about this—that light is something that exists only in our head. What exists in the world is an electromagnetic wave, if we’re right, and if not, then that isn’t either. But what exists in the world is an electromagnetic wave; light exists only in our head. Okay, that’s a mental sensation—so how can I take pills and fix it? It affects the physical. You treat the cause. That’s exactly the point. Meaning, the cause is physiological. The cause is physiological, and there are also mental phenomena, psychophysical phenomena—obviously, what’s the issue? Do you deny that there is psychophysical influence? What is… it’s obvious. There is mutual influence. That does not mean I reduce the two planes to one. There are influences. Okay, I don’t even know what to look for. If I say that a person is depressed, and they tell him “take a pill” and he comes out of the depression—right, okay—that means the depression is a product of a physiological state, agreed, but not that the depression is a physiological state. That’s not the same thing. But the question is whether there is influence between the two planes. The question is whether the one plane exists—if the physiological cause exists, and I by mental power can choose to move or not to move—ah, that too one can still debate, but first of all I’m talking about the very existence of the mental, even before the question of how dependent it is on the physical or whether one can overcome that dependency. That’s another question. First of all, the very existence of the mental. The very existence of the mental itself requires explanation in a materialist conception. What is this thing? So the common explanation today is some sort of emergence, something that came out, a collective phenomenon of our material whole. I hear something that angers me, I turn red, now they’ll give me a blood-pressure pill and I’ll turn white again. So what does that mean? It means the physiology got fixed, but my mental feeling—I don’t even know how to describe it. No, that’s—the mental phenomenon depends on it, leave it—even if we can’t separate them. Suppose physiology always defines the mental state. Let’s say I accept even that. You still have to explain what a mental state is, even before the question whether you can separate soul from body or say, despite having a hole there I’ll meditate and it won’t hurt. That’s mental treatment that breaks the connection between the physiological cause and the mental result. But I’m saying, let’s suppose you can’t break it, and let’s suppose everything, everything is determined by pills—you can arrange everything—and still that does not mean the mental thing does not exist as something separate. It only means it is affected by, or dictated by, the physiological infrastructure that produces it. That’s something else. When people talk about emergence they are not talking about influence; they are talking about identity. They say there is no such thing as the mental. That’s it, there is no such thing as the mental. The mental is simply a property of the collection of molecules, that’s all. That’s their property, just as they have the property that they are brown, they also have the property that they have intellect, that they think. Okay? That’s the claim. Now, the fact that they are brown I know how to explain; I have excellent scientific explanations for why they are brown. But how they begin to think—not only is there no explanation, there isn’t even the language yet. Meaning, how there is any connection at all between this and that, nobody knows anything, and everyone talks about it with this kind of total confidence as if it were obvious, as if scientifically we’re already past that. I’m listening now to some course in Jerusalem about free will and physics and choice… sorry, neuroscience, physics, and free choice. And there the new religion is materialism; this really is the new religion. I saw this lecture online by Sompolinsky. Haim Sompolinsky. He gives the course—Sompolinsky, Haim Sompolinsky. But in the biology department, in the biology department, Uzi Motro and Danny Cohen—I heard both of them say that anyone who links complicated human traits, especially psychological ones, to genes probably doesn’t know genetics. Okay, we didn’t say genes—they’re talking about the brain, and neuroscience is something else, it’s a parallel assault but from a different direction. But again, people talk about it with some kind of total confidence when in fact there isn’t even a hint of a direction. I’m not talking about results that already show it. Really, this is a fairly ridiculous new religion that’s taking over there. But anyway, let’s close the parentheses, that’s not our issue. Only the point I’m… it is an example of something I want to talk about here, and that’s the relationship between the collective and the individual that composes it, the individuals that compose it. When I talk about a collective property or about the collective as the addressee of the religious command, I am not talking about the collective as a collection of individuals, that all of you have to do such-and-such in the sense of—that’s why I brought this example. I’m talking about the collective as some distinct entity that stands on its own, not a collection of individuals. It is of course composed of a collection of individuals; without the collection of individuals it would not exist. But there is something in it that, in the ontological sense—that is, beyond the collection of individuals. Yes, there is something here that exists beyond the collection of individuals. This is not an imagined community, not a technical definition. We all organized ourselves, set rules for ourselves, and that’s what’s called a people or a state or something like that. That’s a technical definition. On the ontological level—ontological meaning the level of being, yes, that’s the doctrine of being—what exists? What is there? What is there is only the individuals. They can organize in different ways, but those are only forms of organization of individuals. The ones who really exist are the individuals. And the opposing claim is a claim that says no: on the ontological plane itself there is another being, the collective being. That is something in addition to the collection of individuals. All right? And if we go back to liquidity, for example, we can really ask ourselves: who is the substance whose property it is to be liquid? That’s not a simple philosophical question, because if indeed we do not accept the existence of a collective—at least in the context of water, not in the context of a people, not in the context of a human being, but in the context of water—then what is the collective? It’s a collection of molecules that have one kind of interaction or another between them. That’s all. So how can it be that there are some properties that are properties only of the collection and not of the particulars? Only if this collection is some sort of entity can it have properties. But if it is not an entity, then how can it have properties? The particulars have properties, and therefore the collection. There’s some point here that the being between the particulars creates contact and phenomena with something outside them maybe. Yes, fine, but when we describe those phenomena, yes, some kind of not molecule but the collection. Obviously, but I’m saying when I describe that property by name, I say it has a property called liquidity. Usually we understand that a property is a property of a thing. So now, who is this thing whose property that is? The collection of particulars doesn’t have that property. So apparently—well, there one can debate a bit, I’m not convinced, but it’s not a simple philosophical question. Not a simple question. In the context of the human being or of society it is of course much more complicated than a collection of water, of water molecules. Okay, in any case, maybe I’ll say a few more words about this. I think, again, this is my personal position, but it seems to me one can see it from the sources, that what emerges is some sort of combined conception. Meaning, in the ontological sense I think yes, there is some kind of view in which the collective really is a kind of entity that exists in its own right, and not merely a collection of individuals. But the total subordination that Rabbi Kook makes to this pole of the map, the collective pole, seems to me to veer a bit too far. Meaning, he subordinates the individual completely to the collective. I’ll bring a few examples even in the halakhic sense so this will be more grounded. My feeling is always that Jewish law grounds things better than books of thought. So let’s see how Jewish law treats this kind of thing. So we already talked about Maimonides in the laws of repentance, where Maimonides says there that on Rosh Hashanah every person is judged, the city is judged, and the state is judged. Right? So his commentators ask: after every person has been judged separately, what is there to judge in the city? Take the judgment of each individual person, add them all up, integrate all the judgments of the separate individuals, and you’ll get the judgment of the city. What is there in the city besides the collection of its residents? Once we see that there is a separate judgment on this entity, it means that there is some kind of relation to the city as a collective beyond the relation to each person as an individual. And it seems to me anyone can see this, that there can be societies—I’m speaking with people, for example, who sociologically belong to other societies, secular people, looking at the settlers, for example. Secular people—not all secular people, but some. So they see—why am I saying secular people? Because I’m probably outside it. So there is this kind of attitude as if they’re all a collection of evil wicked people who just grab guns and shoot in all directions. That’s what’s there. And then I try, so to speak, to explain to people: listen, there are very good people there. Maybe there are also less good ones, like in every society. But there are very good people there, I know people there, there are wonderful people there. And at a certain stage of the discussion, and likewise in the opposite direction too, because everyone has a stereotype about the other, as is well known—but at some point in the discussion we suddenly discover that it doesn’t mean what I said necessarily contradicts what he said. Meaning, it could be that there is a collection of people who are very good on the individual level, but somehow their collective product is a very problematic product. Now I’m not saying that is the case, I’m only saying these claims do not necessarily contradict one another. There definitely are some properties that are properties of human societies that are not a direct result or integration of the properties of the individuals who make up that society. There can be a society made up of very good people, or at least with a reasonable distribution of good and bad, and yet the collective looks very bad. Obviously, because there can be decisions of a government, of a collective. Yes, but I think it’s beyond that. Because the government, first of all, expresses something. I don’t think government decisions come in a vacuum. They represent some collective that is being pushed toward some idea, not necessarily the individuals, not referring to the individuals. No, but I’m saying, I’m talking about collective behavior, not only decisions, that the individuals ultimately create. After all, what? A nation cannot behave by itself. The behavior of a nation is through the behavior of individuals. So somehow when you look at the broad scale, you actually see a problematic society. When you look at the narrow scale, at higher resolution, you actually see wonderful people. And that can happen. Meaning, I think there are quite a few such phenomena. There’s some sort of problem here. What? In my opinion that’s a claim, not a fact. I don’t know, it’s an impression, I know—it can’t be. You think not, I think yes, so each person can decide for himself what he thinks. I didn’t do a study, I can’t present research findings here, but anyone can get an impression from what’s around him. I think we can see such phenomena. I don’t think these are far-fetched phenomena; they are things we know. I don’t know, that’s how it seems to me. I’ll tell you more than that: in the example he mentioned earlier, there are very problematic situations in the collective behavior of that group, even though I know many, many people there and they are wonderful people. And still those same people themselves, in collective behavior, at times there are problematic behaviors there. Again, I’m telling you this as someone who does know them that way, I think—what does that mean? It’s not a fact, it’s a judgment, but that’s what I think. And those debates turned my heart back to this point. A person says to me, “Listen, these people are wonderful people, they help their surroundings, everything’s wonderful, but there are certain population groups that are invisible to them.” So what? If they don’t encounter those groups, then you won’t see in his daily life that he has problematic aspects. He’s a wonderful person, helps every neighbor, helps everyone. Someone said that, and I’m pretty convinced that Haredim are also invisible to him. Correct, I didn’t say he’s free of that. Nobody is free of that. I’m just giving an example. Again, I’m not going to make it a contest over who is better. I’m giving here an example of the dissonance between a collective property and a property of an individual. It exists everywhere, obviously yes, nobody is free of it, but also nobody is free of it. But you don’t have to go to some second-order model like that, looking for problematic behaviors. The problematic nature of the collective can be inherent in the very definition. Meaning, there is a collection of people, an ordinary distribution, some wonderful, who made a decision, and by virtue of their definition as a collective, as people who decided to live beyond the borders of the so-called Green Line, that constitutes a kind of collective behavior that, according to the Left, gets all of us stuck in a problem. And in the opposite version, wonderful people but who share the decision not to observe Torah and commandments—in our eyes that constitutes a kind of black cloud hanging over everything. These examples are too simple. I don’t think they reflect well the dissonance I’m talking about. Because in those examples, where someone is morally good but does not fulfill his religious obligations, then even on the individual plane I can make that distinction. You don’t need to get to the collective. On the individual plane I say, “Listen, this person is a wonderful man, but he doesn’t keep Sabbath, what can you do? He’s married to a non-Jewish woman, he eats pork, whatever—so he’s not okay by religious standards even though he is a wonderful person in the personal sense.” You don’t have to get to the collective level to see that distinction. No, but he is holding up the process, he is stopping the whole process because he chose to live there. No, as an individual, as an individual he chose to live there. Therefore I’m saying, that example too I don’t think is exhaustive, because he’s not talking about stopping the peace process. Stopping the peace process he does consciously from an ideological worldview. He thinks differently from you, perhaps. But I’m talking about behaviors in the moral sense. Not about stopping the peace process in the political sense. Behaviors in the moral sense, where sometimes there is cruelty, there is lack of consideration in all sorts of places—not in places where one must and politically there’s no choice, but even in places where one needn’t. After all there are such things, these things have happened. All right? So what does that mean? Does it mean people are not good? Be his neighbor and you’ll see he’s a wonderful person. There’s something, I don’t know, some kind of properties that are created on the collective level that do not exist on the individual plane. There’s some sort of transition there. And I think the Torah speaks to us on both of those planes, that we are judged as private individuals and afterward the city and the state are judged, so we are judged under both of our hats. It’s the same thing as deciding to kill the whole city because the city is sinful, so that means all of us as residents of the city will die. We don’t have two souls, we have one. But each one of us serves here under two hats. He has the hat of a private individual, and there he is judged as to whether he is a good person or not a good person, and he has the hat of citizen of the state or citizen of the city or citizen of his community, and there it may be that he comes out very badly in judgment. It’s very… and by the way not always necessarily his fault. Meaning, sometimes a person will try with all his might to fix his society, but he is part of a corrupt society, so he will be called to account together with the corrupt society in which he is found, or at least he may be. Right, that’s what was in Abraham’s argument with the Holy One, blessed be He. It seems there was only Lot there and he was saved, or as there are midrashim that say there were other relatives there. But Abraham’s argument with the Holy One, blessed be He—how many righteous people are there inside this city? Abraham—sorry—Abraham, how many righteous people are there inside this city? Clearly there was some distribution there, I assume, right. Fine, in short, there are phenomena. I’ll maybe give two more examples that express this now on the actual halakhic level. Look, there is—isn’t it written, “And the whole city was in an uproar because of them”? The whole city—that’s it, about almost the whole city down to the last person. “The whole city” means the face of the city. “The face of the city” is what’s written, but in the end it means the face of the city there. The face of the city means the important people, the leading figures of the city. “The whole city” is not literally the whole city; the Sages themselves also say that “all” means a majority, that’s “all.” It doesn’t have to literally mean all. “He and all the congregation.” “And the whole city was in an uproar” is like that today too. When you say “the whole city came,” what does “the whole city came” mean? It means many people came, a respectable portion of the city’s residents came. It doesn’t mean there wasn’t a single person who wasn’t there. “Everyone and his wife.” What did Abraham achieve? Lot was okay and therefore he was saved. That’s what I said, that Lot is not a good example because Lot really was okay and was saved, so fine, or at least he had Abraham’s merit. No, no, no—the Holy One, blessed be He, saved him, not Abraham. The Holy One, blessed be He, saved him in Abraham’s merit. The plague of the firstborn in Egypt—clearly there were firstborn there who had done nothing bad. Yes, right. Obviously, there is collective punishment, and that is the whole idea of collective punishment. Maybe I once heard a lesson or read something on the portion of Lot and Sodom. It says there, “And the men of the city, the men of Sodom, they struck with blindness, from young to old, and they wearied themselves to find the door.” What does this technical detail contribute—that they wearied themselves to find the door? Is the Torah’s purpose just to tell us why Lot was saved and didn’t get lynched on that occasion? That’s not the story. The story is that the Torah wants to convey to us how corrupt they were and how deserving they were of destruction and of the punishment that the Holy One, blessed be He, decreed upon them—that even after they were struck with blindness and understand that a great power is intervening here to their detriment, they are still obsessive, still gripped by their lust. They don’t find the door—they don’t want to find the door. They do want to find it. No, “they wearied themselves to find”—they did not succeed in finding it. They kept searching despite the blindness. They didn’t draw the conclusion, wait a second, what’s going on here, let’s go home and sleep. They keep pursuing the sin. If that is the Torah’s aim, then apparently “the whole city” really means the whole city, because the Torah wants to convey that the message of this passage is that Sodom deserved to be destroyed. The apostate city, gentlemen—there are laws. In the apostate city they punish even people who did not sin, even children. There is collective punishment in the Torah, and that is the whole point. Meaning, the revolt against collective punishment, which is very common today, stems from an individualistic view of the reality around us. It stems from the fact that the people around us are only private individuals, and therefore each one has to be judged by what he did, good or bad. Collective punishment always presupposes something collective. You punish someone even though he doesn’t deserve it. Why? By what right do you punish him? You punish him because he is part of the evil collective even though he himself is a good person or a very good person. So in the conception—behind these supposedly moral debates, not supposedly, these moral debates, stand different metaphysical conceptions. It starts from metaphysics, it does not start from morality. The question is how you see the reality around you. Do you see the one standing before you as a collection of people, or do you see the one standing before you as a people? That is something entirely different. Meaning, if you see him as a people, there is room under certain circumstances for collective punishment. If you see him as a collection of people—what collective punishment? What does that have to do with anything? Whoever sinned, sinned, and whoever didn’t, didn’t. Views that are very prevalent today are very individualistic views, and therefore even in places where it seems completely proportionate, yes, they absolutely do not agree. You are forbidden to harm innocents. Why? Because there is an individualistic conception here, and indeed in such lenses it really is unjustified. You cannot harm someone who did not sin in order to save yourself. According to Jewish law, you cannot do that. Jewish law says you cannot save yourself at the expense of your fellow’s life; it is “let yourself be killed rather than transgress.” You cannot kill someone in order to save yourself. So what is the permission to harm innocent people, even if say it endangers me in some sense? Only if you see that thing as a collective. Because if you see that thing as a collective, then you are basically saying they are part of the factor that endangers me. They are not merely innocent. Under their individual hat they are innocent, but under their collective hat they are a pursuer. All right? Suppose you want to bomb some place or a car, yes, of what was his name? Yahya Ayyash? The one who didn’t… not Yahya Ayyash, the Engineer. No, the one with the phone. But someone in a car with the one-ton bomb, I don’t remember exactly who it was, what his name was. Hiroshima and Nagasaki as an example. So you drop a bomb there on a person who is himself dangerous, who endangers lives and whom you need to kill, no nonsense. But on the other hand he is traveling with his wife and children or with several other people in the car. So there is some very strong objection to dropping a bomb on that car. Ostensibly that objection is justified. That objection is justified because one may not save oneself at the expense of one’s fellow’s life; that is the Jewish law. I may not kill someone in order to save myself—let yourself be killed rather than transgress. So what is the permission that can make such things possible at all? Only a collective conception. Because in a collective conception you are basically saying: the one threatening me is not the specific person I want to kill; the one threatening me is the group to which he belongs, on whose behalf he acts, which gives him legitimacy to one degree or another. Consequently now I can depict that whole collective as having the status of a pursuer, not the status of a third party whom I may not kill in order to save myself, but if they truly have the status of a pursuer, then I can kill them. On the other hand, though, then maybe I should kill them altogether? Even if they’re innocent and not sitting with him in the car? It’s not only him; it’s not only me either, it’s all of us. Right, obviously. It’s a struggle between two collectives. That is exactly the point. And notice: many of the moral debates taking place around us come out of this point. It starts there. It doesn’t start from moral principles; it starts from ontology. It starts from the question: what are the entities I see standing before me? Are they peoples or are they human beings? If you see everything as imagined communities, which is usually the so-called leftist conception, at least what is called the Left today—once the Left was the exact opposite, or not exactly the opposite, actually. Communism also did not accept communities; it wanted the whole world to be—yes, but never mind. In any case, what is called the Left today tends toward an individual conception. To tend toward an individual conception means that you see private individuals around you; you do not see a collective. So they are right according to their method. It is forbidden, forbidden, to kill an innocent person in order to save yourself. And in a place where you see a collective before you, then you say fine, the one pursuing me is not that engineer; the one pursuing me is the collective. And if I need to kill it in order to save myself, then I will kill it in order to save myself. So you’ll ask me, fine, then maybe I should kill innocents even if they’re not sitting next to the engineer in the car? Here the second hat comes in, and this misses the right side of the map. Since every person has two hats. Every person is both a private individual and part of a collective. So in a place where you need to harm someone who belongs to the collective in order to save yourself, you may do so because there is a law of a pursuer here. But you cannot do it just like that. Because he is not really a pursuer. Meaning, under his private hat he is not a pursuer; he is a pursuer only under his collective hat. He is an innocent person, yes? So under his private hat he is not a pursuer, only under the collective hat. So you may not just kill him; he is not a pursuer. So this way of looking at the two hats—these two hats come together, and every time you have to pay attention to which hat you are speaking under. Let me bring you another example from within society itself, not in relation to outsiders. It says in the Torah, “You shall not be intimidated by any man.” And the Talmud says: one might think that if a judge sees a litigant who is violent, yes, violent, who endangers him, and he is afraid to rule against him—may he withdraw from the case? Certainly not rule in his favor, that he certainly cannot do. But may he withdraw from the case? Why do I need this trouble? What do I need this headache for? Yes? Forbidden. Now how far does that prohibition go? Is fear that he’ll punch him enough? That he’ll take his money, kill him? How far is the judge obligated to endanger himself? There are decisors who say up to a doubt of danger to life, up to and including a doubt of danger to life. Meaning, in a doubtful life-threatening situation you may not withdraw; you must judge the case. This is very relevant, by the way, I spoke with Menachem about it several times. It’s very relevant; sometimes a judge feels threatened, and the question is whether he can, I don’t know, pull some trick—it’s not simple, not a simple situation. He may not. He may not even in a situation of doubtful danger to life. Then the question arises: what do you mean? Aren’t there only three severe transgressions that are not overridden by danger to life—sorry, that override it? Where did “You shall not be intimidated” come from? How does “You shall not be intimidated” override a doubt of danger to life? So the common conception is, it seems to me at least, that the explanation behind this is that when it comes to the needs of the collective, then fear of undermining the judicial, social, governmental structure is danger to life. It is danger to the life of the collective. And if that will dismantle the collective, even if none of the individuals dies. But it is danger to the life of the collective, and therefore you may—or not may, you must—even enter into a situation of doubtful danger to life. Only then the opposite question arises: why there only doubt and not certainty? And that’s a very important point—why not certainty? And this bothered me a lot. Meaning, nowhere in the Torah do we find a difference between doubtful danger to life and certain danger to life. Meaning, whatever danger to life overrides, doubtful danger to life also overrides. And what is not overridden, neither of them is overridden. Where do we find a difference between doubtful danger to life and certain danger to life? There is no such difference. There’s the matter of a time of religious persecution, “even for a shoelace.” No, we’re not talking here about a time of religious persecution. No, but you could still say that maybe this is much worse than a time of religious persecution. Because if there’s no court system, then this… Fine, that’s what I said. In short, the answer is this: since danger to the social fabric is considered danger to life. No, very good, but why doubt? Why? Why did we say only in doubt, not certainty? That’s what the decisors say. Even those who say it regarding doubt—not everyone agrees even about doubt. But those who say it about doubt say doubt and not certainty. And the question is why? There is no halakhic category for that. Maybe a kind of doubtful danger to life that is certain? Why? Because he’ll kill the judge? No, the ruling will be issued and then he’ll kill him afterward, take revenge on him, but the ruling will have been issued. Why? A ruling will be issued, what do you mean why won’t it? He’ll put a bomb in his car, but he’ll go to prison. What do you mean? The ruling will be issued. No, if he is afraid of them… No, I don’t think that’s the point. The point is a different point. Think of a soldier in the army. A soldier in the army risks his life in war. Risks his life. We require a person to risk his life for what? For the fact that there is danger to the life of the collective here, right? Can I order a soldier to enter a situation of certain danger to life? Like the jeep in the Mitla Pass, yes, where they asked for a volunteer, they didn’t send someone by direct order. And it seems to me that even in the ethical code, if I remember correctly, you don’t—you don’t—one cannot compel a person to enter a situation in which he will certainly be killed, even though war is a situation in which there is doubtful danger to life, and ostensibly I should also be able to compel a person to enter such a situation, but this is permitted, this is certain, and this is because it is danger to the life of the public. So why not certainty? It’s needed in order to succeed in war, I am assuming of course that we are speaking of an action required in order to win the war. So why not? Again, it’s the same thing as before. A person also has a private hat. A person is not only part of the collective; he is also an individual. He has two faces. So in doubtful danger to life you say, look, you take the risk upon yourself because you are part of the collective, you must sacrifice yourself because that is your role, otherwise the collective will not survive. But in a place where I say to him, listen, you certainly have to die, it cannot be that I—this is the question of proportionality—it cannot be that I say to a person, listen, under your private hat, ignore yourself completely, you are entirely subordinate to society. No, I also have rights as an individual. If I decide to give myself over, then I’ll be blessed. But the collective cannot— it is not the sole owner of me. I am also part of the collective, but I am also a private person. So the same thing with the judge. I say to the judge, look, if you are in doubtful danger to life, then you are part of the collective and you must enter a situation of doubtful danger to life, there is no choice, it is your role. But in a case where he will definitely be killed, then listen—you can phrase it a bit pettishly, yes, so he’s already outside the collective, if he will definitely be killed then he isn’t obligated either. But I don’t think that’s the point. The point is proportionality. Meaning, there is a certain level of demand from the individual that I cannot impose upon him by the collective. No, he is not entirely subordinate to his collective aspect. He has some rights as an individual. There is a difference between the question whether a commander in the army may order a soldier and the question what the Holy One, blessed be He, demands of that judge. That is a completely different question. Fine, and still the answers to both are the same answers. Not necessarily. Not necessarily, but that is the answer. Those are the halakhic facts. Those are the halakhic facts. Meaning, those are the facts. Now one can say whether that’s necessary or not necessary—that’s another discussion. Fine, one can check exactly what the discussion there was about. I’m telling you that in my opinion these are the halakhic facts. Now we can begin discussing whether that is necessary, not necessary—that’s another discussion. This issue is precisely the expression of this dual-hat structure in which every person is found, in that on the one hand you play the role of some individual within a collective, to the point of doubtful danger to life, meaning that goes pretty far. But there is a limit. Meaning, one cannot demand of a person to commit suicide for the collective. That’s not. That’s not. If there is a chance he’ll remain alive and also a chance he’ll be killed, one can go that far in extreme cases. But you cannot erase his rights as an individual, you cannot erase his individual aspect. There is also such an aspect in parallel. Therefore it seems to me that the picture—at least as I understand it from Jewish law—is some kind of mixed picture. Meaning, there is definitely recognition of collective aspects, but every person is also a private person. I also serve God as one who stands before Him as a private person, not only through the community, the collective channel, as part of the collective standing before the Holy One, blessed be He. Maimonides in the laws of repentance, that a person should see himself as half meritorious and half guilty; if he does one commandment, he tips himself and the whole world to the side of merit—and immediately afterward he moves on to say the same argument but on the level of the person as part of the collective. He should see the people of his city as half meritorious and half guilty. Okay. Now he goes on, let’s keep reading. “And when this idea will be fully absorbed in the heart of the nations with all its strength and splendor, it will no longer be conceivable that nation shall lift sword against nation.” Yes, if everyone understands this utopian idea, then there will be no wars, everything will be wonderful. Why? “For every nation will understand that the sword it bears against another, it pierces its own soul.” Meaning, if you kill the other nation, the other people, you are really harming yourself, because each one has some contribution to the whole. And it’s not worthwhile to get rid of someone who has some contribution, because he contributes to me too. “Apart from the law of justice that will become perfected, so that the killing of men and the shedding of their blood will become abhorrent to the soul, and no political cause in the world will be able to purify this abomination of murder, once it is clarified in the heart with the purity of its true feeling.” Here too there is a very interesting point. He is basically grounding here a moral principle not to go to war, that one nation should not kill another nation—on what? On a utilitarian consideration. Right? I’m basically saying that if you kill him, you will harm yourself, because he has some contribution that you will lack. So moral behavior—refraining from murder or war—is based here on pragmatism, on a pragmatic, utilitarian consideration. Right? Not only because of the value of human life. True, afterward he writes, “Apart from the law of justice that will become perfected,” and there will also be some moral commitment here, to reach the point where it too will more or less—. The next paragraph says even more, maybe we can read the next paragraph. What does “it pierces its own soul” mean? That it robs itself? Yes, yes, “it pierces its own soul” is a verse, “whom you rob,” yes. “And as with all good traits and all good deeds in the world, the gateway to enter into them is self-love.” He is aware of it, of this transition—reward and punishment, and love so that you will be loved, and from doing not for its own sake one comes to doing for its own sake. He himself is aware that he moved here from a utilitarian reason to a moral reason, an essential reason. He says this is from not for its own sake to for its own sake. We begin by recognizing that the other contributes to us and therefore we do not harm him, and from that we will also arrive at the feeling that truly we must not harm him because we must not, because it is immoral, not because I will lose from it. “For the laws of nations must first develop in the understandable way, that every nation in its success improves the condition of the whole, and that the division of nations is nothing but an imagined agreement to enlarge the impression”—notice this exactly, imagined, right?—“to enlarge the impression of ‘what is mine is mine and what is yours is yours,’ but with no purpose other than an exalted end bound up in this, namely the perfection of all humanity through the expansion of all the special domains in which each and every nation is distinguished.” Imagined communities are a state of not for its own sake; he is not arguing in favor of imagined communities, quite the opposite. He says the world begins from a conception that there is room for a nation as an imagined community, but from there it will arrive at an essentialist conception that says: what do you mean? Every people has some real role, not just a kind of imagined community. Now here this simply reminded me of a nice point that I think we once discussed maybe at a third Sabbath meal at Yonah’s. In the story of Jonah, there is the gourd plant. The Holy One, blessed be He, grows the gourd plant, then sends a worm and an east wind and dries up the gourd plant, and Jonah then wishes for death. Then the Holy One, blessed be He, says to him: “Are you greatly grieved?” He said: “I am greatly grieved, even unto death.” Then He says: “You pitied the gourd plant, for which you did not labor and which you did not grow, and shall I not pity Nineveh the great city, with its many people and much cattle,” and so on? What kind of a fortiori argument is that? It’s a stupid a fortiori argument. Did Jonah pity the gourd plant? Jonah pitied himself. He was hot, he had no shade. What kind of comparison is that? The Holy One, blessed be He, says: you pitied the gourd plant, so you want me not to pity Nineveh? He didn’t pity the gourd plant; he needed shade. It was hot for him in the desert, he needed shade. What kind of a fortiori is that? So I thought of two possible answers, and afterward I had a third. First answer—and this is our criminal mind—maybe Jonah really did pity the gourd plant, and it wasn’t egoistic. We’re used to thinking that if a person acts according to his interests, then he’s an opportunist. Right, it also fit his interests, but maybe Jonah really did pity the actual gourd plant? Who said not? No, obviously—I said aside from that—obviously the heat bothered him, but the question is whether that was all, or in addition he also—the Holy One, blessed be He, knew his heart and saw that Jonah perhaps really did pity the gourd plant. You know, we always interpret something like this—we interpret it cynically, basically. He’s self-interested, he doesn’t really care about the gourd plant. But that’s not true; maybe he really did care about the gourd plant. How do you know? Who said not? He needed the gourd plant, fine, but who said only need caused the protest? Maybe also caring? But there was also a bad worm there that wanted to eat. Okay, but one still had to pity it. Fine, I don’t know if he saw that worm. In any case, there was also the east wind, and the worm alone probably didn’t do it, I don’t know. In any case, the worm alone dealt with the gourd plant; the east wind only intensified his situation. Fine, in any case, that’s one direction. The second direction is of course the opposite direction. Maybe in truth the Holy One, blessed be He, also did not pity Nineveh but needed it. Otherwise why did He create it? Why did He create Nineveh? He created it because, again, He needs it in some sense. We won’t go into all the theological problems that arise from this issue, what it means to say that the Holy One, blessed be He, needs. But the fact that He created a world, created cities, created people, apparently means that He wants them to exist, needs them in some sense. So now one can take the opposite direction. Right, Jonah was not self-interested; he wanted the gourd plant. The Holy One, blessed be He, says to him: look, you want the gourd plant, I want Nineveh. What do you mean, telling me to destroy Nineveh? Why did I create them? In order to destroy them? I created them because I want them. So that too can be a good basis for the comparison. And afterward, my third stage was: who said these two directions even contradict each other? We have this sort of Kantian intuition that says morality is always the opposite of interest. Meaning, you need to suppress interest or passions, and then you are a moral person—a kind of morality of sublimation. Meaning, you have to suppress your natural drives, your passions, and then you are a moral person. If you simply do what suits you and what is good for you and what serves your interest, then you’re not a moral person, you’re just a hedonist. But in fact, when Rabbi Kook speaks here about this need of each nation for the other nations, when you really understand that every other contributes also to you, surely that is a valid reason not to harm him or to have pity on him. And it could be that this recognition also has some moral value. Meaning, it is easy to say “I alone and none besides me,” nobody contributes anything to me, and whoever bothers me I wring his neck. But if I understand that the other selves or the other people are necessary to me, I need them, I am not all-powerful, I also need them, and because of that I do not harm them—I don’t know if that is the pinnacle of morality, but who says that isn’t moral? Maybe a kind of humility? Meaning, it may very well be that this reasoning, which seems merely utilitarian, does not necessarily contradict the fact that there is also a moral person here, a person behaving morally. Not every person is prepared to recognize that he benefits from others. Where it is very immediate and very simple, it is easy to recognize that. Someone who contributes and gives me money every month, then it is very easy to recognize that I need him. But in a broader sense, where every people gives expression to some idea or some worldview or some outlook, culture, whatever it may be—that is much more distant. And it is very easy not to recognize it. And it seems to me that not recognizing it contains some moral flaw, maybe also stemming from lack of humility, whatever—but there is some moral flaw there. And recognizing it does have some moral virtue. And if I derive from that the prohibition against harming or killing the other, I don’t know if that is something merely utilitarian. There is something in it that I think also has moral aspects. Did you want to say something? No, I wanted to move something to my head. Okay. “And in this way,” I continue reading, “the matter is understood, that it is impossible for the order of a single state to be perfected unless the center is placed in one place, a king or a legislative house.” We already talked about the center also in the previous chapter, in the omitted passages, that there is some center of the nation, the Sages or the Sanhedrin, a king or a legislative house. “So too, it is impossible for the world to come to this perfect order unless there is at least some fixed center in one place.” Meaning, he is basically saying: just as a single state, which is a collective collection of individuals, cannot function unless there is some center, a central authority that organizes it—unless there is kingship over that people, it is not one, it is just a collection of private individuals. The king is what makes the people one. So every collective, in order to define the collective, needs a center that defines it; otherwise it is just a collection of individuals. So Rabbi Kook said: the same is true also regarding the whole world. The whole world is a collective of nations, not of individual people, and this collective of nations too needs a center—only now it is a center that is a people, not a center that is a single individual. And this of course—what? A center that is an essence? Yes, but he says a role similar to what a king does in—again, not necessarily in the governmental sense. He doesn’t mean that the Jewish people are supposed to be the government dictating to everyone what they need to do, though I don’t know, it’s not all that far off. There are the seven Noahide commandments; in principle you are indeed dictating to them what they are supposed to do. But I think he really speaks more on the level of the spiritual center than the governmental center. But he draws an analogy between the collective of a single people or of a single state and the collective of the entire world. And then the claim is of course that the Jewish people are the center that constitutes the king, so to speak, in relation to each individual nation. And this brings us back to his opening statement, where he says that “the divine purpose inherent in preserving the Israeli nation in its distinctive character is loftier than the duty of preservation appropriate to each individual nation.” For each individual nation he uses the concept of a right—it has a right to exist. In the case of Israel there is some duty: it must exist; it is a divine purpose. Meaning, it’s not only its right to exist, “don’t infringe on my right,” but there is some duty here, because that simply closes the circle, since the Jewish people are as it were this center that turns the world into a collective—which yes, without it the world would not be such a thing. Okay, maybe next time. End of the lesson by Rabbi Yitzhak Ben Pazi on the topic of generation, Thursday, the sixteenth of Tevet 5771, December 23, 2010.

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