New Year’s Wishes for Rosh Hashanah 5785 with Some Reflections on the Situation (Column 668)

In the past two weeks I’ve undergone an inner upheaval. I was in complete despair about the motivation, the initiative, and the miserable military capabilities we’ve shown over the past decades. It was clear to me that the problem was not only the government but primarily the army. Every child knows that when the army has clear recommendations, the political echelon almost always accepts them, and therefore it was clear to me that the main problem lies with the army (yes, yes, also with regard to October 7). The slogan “Let the IDF win” has sounded to me for many years now stale and empty. It seemed to me that there was hardly anyone there who actually wanted to win and believed in victory.

The management of the campaign in the north in recent weeks restored my confidence that we still have military initiative and creativity. As a certified armchair strategist, in my estimation there has rarely, if ever, been a campaign run so brilliantly and effectively. It’s an amazing combination of intelligence preparation, military and covert execution, and no less important—the diplomatic accompaniment. The well-timed American condemnations, their unconvincing calls for a ceasefire (which, the moment fighting begins, suddenly flip in an instant into unequivocal support, along with continued supply of munitions and equipment and the provision of international backing), show without doubt that there has been full coordination between the countries throughout. Everyone now understands President Biden’s enigmatic yet clearly jubilant remark yesterday that he is even more aware than we all think of the danger of war in the north. It’s obvious that the Americans are the first who should be pleased that we are severely damaging the “Axis of Evil” (their term, as you’ll recall), without any cost to them other than largely passive backing. Their conduct on the ground also shows that Israel certainly did not bend them and act against their position (if they had truly opposed it, not a single tank would have moved; all the munitions are from them, and so is the international umbrella), but rather is playing together with them.

Thus we reached the opening of the campaign under the best conditions one could have dreamed of. Where is all the dread we’ve felt for years about the moment we would be forced to open a war against Hezbollah and how the entire country would be paralyzed?! Where is the fear that paralyzed our ability to respond to the tent on Mount Dov and the long-standing provocations that passed without a response?! So far—nothing. Simply nothing. I hope we also know how to finish this correctly and reap the fruits without getting entangled.

It’s true that Bibi, as usual, is picking the fruits and attributing everything to himself—and will undoubtedly continue to do so. But it cannot be denied that much of this really does belong to him. I tip my hat to him. The man is devilishly talented—a fox who knows how to maneuver in the political and diplomatic arena despite the unbearably difficult conditions in which he operates. I don’t think another prime minister would have managed to do what he has done this past year (not that I think all of it is correct) within an impossible pressure cooker at home and abroad (which he himself is the main factor in creating). It turns out that sometimes we also benefit from his talent, which in many cases has worked against us. My criticisms of him that appear here on the site all stand as is, and I hope he will not be elected in the upcoming elections (despite the tireless efforts of the Kaplanists and the families of the hostages—whose intentions, I believe, are good—to bring him to the prime minister’s chair against all odds; see the appendix). But integrity requires acknowledging his advantages and his successes.

Despite the above attitude toward Bibi, which still stands, lately I find myself repeatedly defending Bibi and attacking the protest against him. I do this because in my view he and his colleagues are being presented in a biased and dishonest way, which harms the discourse in general and in particular the struggle against him.

Following the recent events I am somewhat more optimistic. Perhaps some process of correction is beginning, at least in most of the population (beyond the fringes on both sides). I hope and wish that starting this year we will adopt conduct and an honest attitude toward reality and the actors within it, and that we will know how to build a complex picture of them. Black-and-white is almost never the right approach to life. That doesn’t mean we shouldn’t have a position, of course. Certainly we should. But a position must be formed out of a sober and balanced view of reality and of the moral world: weighing the considerations on both sides and then forming a stance. Regarding any party, person, or event, we should honestly examine the different aspects and separate the light from the darkness that usually come mixed together.

I’ve written more than once that the main problem I see in our reality is not the hatred, nor the positions themselves (on any side), but the absence of discourse, the positionalism, and the dogmatic, simplistic thinking of Children of Light versus Children of Darkness (on both sides). Sometimes there really are such who are Children of Darkness, and it’s important to recognize that and not let the complex view blur it—but usually that’s not the case. Before deciding who the Children of Darkness are, we must examine the picture carefully and honestly.

I wish us all a good year—a year of forming positions, of substantive debate and discourse. Good tidings, victory (absolute!) in the north and in the south, and of course the return of the hostages and the evacuees to their homes. And regarding the people of the north, I would say: May it be God’s will that their homes not become their graves (a paraphrase of Jerusalem Talmud, Yoma 5:2).

Appendix: On Dogmatism and Blindness

A few days ago I had a discussion in a WhatsApp group that includes several leaders of Brothers in Arms, and I repeated my claim that through their one-sidedness (the psychosis, as I have put it here more than once), they are themselves bringing Bibi upon us in the next elections. The polls show this trend clearly, and in my view their contribution to it is decisive. By the way, yesterday I recorded a podcast with Jeremy Fogel (following their bungle with the podcast of Tzvi Sukkot and my criticism of it; see column 664), in which I insisted on focusing the discussion on the question of discourse and on the consequences of the one-sided view and the blindness it creates. I said there that I am “anti-religious,” meaning anti the religiosity on both sides that creates dogmatism and silencing (as in that notorious podcast) and does not allow discourse. The recording will go up online and on the site here in about two weeks. In any case, within that WhatsApp argument, one of the people slated to speak at the demonstration on the night after Yom Kippur asked me to write what I would want to say to the Kaplan crowd, and he would try to take points from it and incorporate them into his remarks. This is what I wrote to him:

Michael, it came out longer, but in any case you can choose what—if anything—you take from here. Unfortunately, these are fine distinctions and somewhat conceptual points that are hard to say from a stage at a stormy, emotional demonstration. I’m used to writing essays, not giving square speeches with slogans that tug at heartstrings. But this is what I have to say to you/them.

Hello everyone.

I hope you’ll allow me to say a few words that are not routine and may be unpopular in this place. By way of preface: I am an Orthodox rabbi who leans to the right in his views, and yet I share very harsh criticism of the coalition and the government, of the judicial reform (though in my eyes it is certainly not the end of democracy), and in particular of the corruption and the disgraceful, discriminatory treatment accorded to the Haredim at the expense of the general public, as well as of the populism and the damage to governance and integrity, and more. I also have criticism of particulars in the management of the war (though here I lack sufficient information and there is a non-negligible chance that I am wrong), and certainly of the botched treatment of the population during the war (though dealing with such a situation is indeed an extremely difficult task with no precedent, and bureaucracy and insensitivity, as is known, were not invented in the past year).

The caveats I added in parentheses above were not included merely for academic precision. They are precisely the message I wanted to convey here. My message is against the decisiveness and obtuseness blowing through these squares and demonstrations.

As noted, I share many of the criticisms of the government in various areas. Needless to say, my heart is torn by the situation of the hostages and their families. And make no mistake: there is no one in Israel who does not feel that way. No one is indifferent to it, including the greatest of the “evildoers” and the “messianists” in your eyes. But if these two issues constitute the focus of the demonstrations, then why is most of the public staying home and not joining these demonstrations? Why are they even dwindling over time? Why did those on the right who tried to join not repeat that mistake? We keep being told this is not a matter of left and right. But our eyes see that it is. The repetition of that slogan sounds like an Orwellian mantra (slavery is freedom and ignorance is strength). Have you considered why the coalition’s strength is only growing in the latest polls despite the deepening crisis on all fronts and the lack of solutions? Don’t make life easy for yourselves. It’s not only fatigue, and not only dogmatism and lack of independent thinking—though of course you can find some of that there as well. You too bear a central share of the blame.

I can explain to you, for example, why I stay home, and so do many others, mainly on the right but not only. I know you’ll object to almost every word I say here, but try to open your ears and hearts and listen anyway. I say this in pain and deep frustration, and I think it is critical to achieving the goals that both you and I desire; in my view, through your conduct you are shooting yourselves—and me—in the foot.

First, a demonstration of solidarity with the hostages should not be tied to our attitude toward the government. Without that linkage, quite a few coalition supporters would likely join. This mixing is a fundamental and tactical mistake.

Second, solidarity with the hostages and calling for efforts to bring them home does not necessarily mean accusing the government of foiling the deal or being indifferent to their fate. Certainly there is no justification for shouting that they are murderers, messianists, and delusional. I, as someone who opposes the national-religious outlook represented in the coalition and many of its moves, tell you that they are not, and most of their supporters are not either.

Third, to the best of my knowledge there is no indication that the government is foiling the deals. There is a completely legitimate disagreement about the proper price to pay for such a deal. Therefore, accusing those who oppose the deal of indifference to the fate of the hostages is nothing but ugly incitement. Hamas is the one foiling the deal, and to this day no one knows whether there even was or is such a deal on the table and what it includes (certainly not all the hostages, and without information on who is alive and who is dead). Everyone understands that it is not right to pay any price for such a deal. But when it comes to criticizing the government, these insights disappear and fall silent. Everyone here declares decisively that there is a deal on the table for all the hostages and that only Bibi the “murderer,” for non-substantive reasons (together with Ben-Gvir and Smotrich the “messianists”), is thwarting it. Anyone not living in a bubble understands that this is a lie, and also understands its implications for public opinion.

From all the above you can understand that the feeling outside the narrow circle of demonstrators is that this is a religious sect clinging to articles of faith it adopted without any real basis, and it declares war on all the “heretics.” People here are unwilling to hear counter-arguments and discuss them on their merits. The responses are screams instead of arguments. Don’t be mistaken: this hysteria probably boosts the motivation of the already convinced and therefore creates an atmosphere that it’s worthwhile to do this—but you ignore the fact that it also alienates all those who are not among them. This conduct throws many people who could have joined both struggles (against the government and for a hostage deal) back to their base. It will bring Bibi upon us in the next elections (I remind you of the poll results). As noted, the facts are that support for the coalition is growing and attendance at the demonstrations is shrinking.

The easiest thing is to blame everyone else for dogmatism, laziness, moral indifference, wickedness, messianism, and all other ills—to present this as a war of Children of Light against Children of Darkness. But one who is willing to look reality in the eye must be brave enough to ask himself where he himself is wrong. Where are the points of darkness within my light, and where are the points of light within the other’s darkness. It is recommended, in the days of soul-searching of Elul and Tishrei, to beat our own chests rather than only those of others.

Do not delude yourselves. Those standing opposite you are not a herd of zombies, nor a collection of evildoers, fools, messianists, etc. They are simply people who think differently from you. They have arguments and positions worth hearing and examining, and only then forming a position. This is true regarding the reform and also regarding the hostages (but not regarding corruption). If you give them respect and listen to their arguments—and perhaps even be willing to be persuaded by some of them—I estimate you will, in turn, receive listening from the other side. This is essential not only for creating social solidarity, but for our ability to function, to reach balanced conclusions, and to move forward from the current stuckness. At the moment we are only brawling and not advancing anywhere. You too need to understand that not all the truth is with you—just as it isn’t entirely anywhere else. It lies somewhere in the middle. There is a dispute between two legitimate opinions, and it would be good for all of us to be aware of that and act accordingly.

Thank you for listening.