Changes in Jewish Law, Lecture 2
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Table of Contents
- Maimonides’ framework: an unchanging Torah versus the development of Jewish law
- Tosafot as a response to distress: the sale permit (heter mekhira) and the permit to lend to a non-Jew
- Enactments and innovations within Jewish law are not “changing Jewish law”
- One witness in testimony about a woman: facts, laws of evidence, and the absence of “the Rabbis annulled the marriage”
- Constitutive witnesses, “we are witnesses,” and delivery witnesses in a bill of divorce
- Meiri as a model that comes close to “change”: attitude toward a non-Jew depends on being “bounded by the ways of religion”
- Censorship, the discovery of Meiri’s writings, and the lack of reaction over the generations
- Desecrating the Sabbath to save a non-Jew: Meiri versus the Mishnah Berurah, Chatam Sofer, and life-saving
- What is the criterion of distinction: idolatry or the norms of the nations
- Morality, religion, and evaluating a person whose belief is mistaken
- Seeing reality: commitment to the Sages’ description versus contemporary impression
Summary
General Overview
The text lays out a Maimonidean framework according to which the Torah and the commandments stand forever — “it has neither change, nor diminution, nor addition” — yet argues that Maimonides himself recognizes that Jewish law develops over the generations through “creative interpretations” and not only “supportive interpretations,” and therefore it is impossible to attribute all later details of Jewish law to a tradition from Sinai. It brings examples from Tosafot of leniencies born out of social-economic distress in exile and explains that these are not “changes in Jewish law” but internal solutions within the halakhic framework. It then presents Meiri’s approach as a broad and systematic move that distinguishes between “idolaters who are not bounded by the ways of religion” and “nations bounded by the ways of religion,” and suggests that Meiri innovates an egalitarian halakhic attitude in interpersonal matters and even in saving a non-Jew on the Sabbath, while discussing whether this is apologetics for censorship or a consistent halakhic approach, and what mechanism underlies the distinction.
Maimonides’ framework: an unchanging Torah versus the development of Jewish law
The text cites Maimonides’ eighth and ninth principles regarding Torah from Heaven and the fact that the Torah of Moses “will not be nullified,” and quotes from Laws of the Foundations of the Torah chapter 9, halakhot 1–2, that it is “clear and explicit in the Torah” that the commandment stands forever, with “neither change, nor diminution, nor addition.” It states that a literal understanding is impossible even according to Maimonides himself, because Maimonides speaks about laws that were created over the generations. It brings Maimonides’ responsum about kiddushin, where he says that monetary betrothal is “from the words of the Sages,” and presents Maimonides’ distinction between “supportive interpretations,” which anchor an existing tradition in verses, and “creative interpretations,” which generate laws not received by tradition. It concludes that it is impossible that all the sections of the Mishnah Berurah and all later laws, and certainly disputed laws, “descended to Moses at Sinai,” and rejects a picture of transmission as a “hollow pipe” through which everything merely passes without creation.
Tosafot as a response to distress: the sale permit (heter mekhira) and the permit to lend to a non-Jew
The text brings Tosafot in Avodah Zarah 15a, who wonder about the custom of selling wagons, foals, and non-kosher animals to idolaters, and presents their answer that “now” the reality in exile creates financial loss because there is no concentrated Jewish community, and therefore “the Geonim in exile practiced leniency in this matter.” It notes the principled difficulty of such an argument when dealing with what appears to be a Torah-level prohibition and a situation that is not necessarily life-threatening, but states that this is indeed Tosafot’s language. It adds an example from Tosafot in the name of Rabbenu Tam about the current custom to lend to non-Jews, justifying it because of “the king’s tax and the ministers” and “our livelihood,” and because “we dwell among the nations and cannot earn a living in any way unless we engage in commerce with them,” to the point that one cannot prohibit interest “lest one learn from his deeds more than from other business dealings.”
Enactments and innovations within Jewish law are not “changing Jewish law”
The text defines the examples from Tosafot not as changes in Jewish law but as responses to distress that seek solutions within the system. It compares this to testimony about a woman, where “the Rabbis enacted that one witness is believed in testimony about a woman” even though by Torah law two are required, and to Hillel the Elder’s prosbul, enacted when people refrained from lending before the Sabbatical year. It emphasizes that rabbinic enactments rest on the authority of “do not deviate,” and therefore are not changes of the kind under discussion, and that “change” in the relevant sense is a situation in which a Torah-level law that once applied “does not apply today” or has changed, not an enacted addition layered on top of the Torah law.
One witness in testimony about a woman: facts, laws of evidence, and the absence of “the Rabbis annulled the marriage”
The text states that by Torah law “matters of sexual status require no fewer than two” and presents the agunah enactment, in which one witness, and even a disqualified witness or “a non-Jew speaking innocently,” may be believed. It argues that the permission does not allow “a married woman into the marketplace” when there remains a possibility that her husband is alive, but rests on as complete a conviction as possible that the husband has died, and therefore the ruling depends on facts and not on a formal threshold in the laws of evidence. It says that the Rabbis “lowered the threshold in the laws of evidence” where practical certainty is high, and that this is not a mechanism of “the Rabbis annulled the marriage from him,” among other reasons because consequences such as the husband’s return would be handled differently if this were annulment.
Constitutive witnesses, “we are witnesses,” and delivery witnesses in a bill of divorce
The text distinguishes between strong evidence and the formal requirement of “constitutive witnesses” in matters of sexual status, and brings a dispute between Rashba and Ketzot on whether a litigant’s admission can work in place of witnesses in kiddushin. It states that according to most halakhic decisors one needs “actual witnesses” and not merely a sufficient level of proof, and that “we are witnesses” does not help in matters of sexual status according to most halakhic decisors. It brings the discussion of Rif and Ran regarding “delivery witnesses effect the divorce” in a bill of divorce, and the possibility that “we are witnesses” regarding the transfer of the bill from husband to wife integrates into the structure of testimony, but presents this as a specific explanation within the laws of documents.
Meiri as a model that comes close to “change”: attitude toward a non-Jew depends on being “bounded by the ways of religion”
The text presents Meiri as a systematic approach repeated “in dozens upon dozens of places,” according to which discriminatory laws toward a non-Jew were said “for those times” about “idolaters who are not bounded by the ways of religion,” and do not apply to “nations bounded by the ways of religion and worshipping God in some manner,” who are “like a full Jew in these matters.” It quotes Meiri in Bava Kamma 113, who forbids stealing from idolaters but exempts one from returning their lost object, and then adds the exception of nations “bounded by the ways of religion,” regarding whom there is no distinction “in lost objects, or even in error, and in all other matters.” It quotes Meiri in Avodah Zarah 26b that the harsh laws were said when the nations were “polluted in their actions and ugly in their character traits,” and that for nations that punish such ugliness “there is no doubt that these matters have no place at all,” and presents Meiri’s claim that this removes the need for the “forced readings” found in novellae and Tosafot. It also quotes Meiri’s words that in matters of “concern for the prohibition of the Sabbath and concern for prohibited foods and drinks such as libation wine or ordinary gentile wine and other prohibitions” and laws decreed “out of concern for intermarriage,” “all nations are equal in this,” so not every area changes.
Censorship, the discovery of Meiri’s writings, and the lack of reaction over the generations
The text describes how Meiri was “unknown,” and only after the discovery of the manuscripts in the 20th century did his systematic approach become clear, creating a new discussion about its meaning. It presents a common position that Meiri wrote this way “out of fear of censorship,” and rejects that by arguing that apologetics for a censor would have been written as a general declaration at the beginning, not as dense comments “in small Rashi script letters within the passage” repeated again and again. It mentions an article by Jacob Katz that strengthens the reading of Meiri as a consistent method, and also raises the puzzle of how such a consistent approach won neither explicit support nor explicit opposition from the sages of his generation or later generations, to the point of raising the possibility of forgery, even without real indication. It mentions the Chazon Ish’s approach to manuscripts discovered today, that they have no halakhic standing because they did not pass “before the eyes of all the halakhic decisors of the generations,” and notes that Chazon Ish himself does make some use of manuscripts in certain places.
Desecrating the Sabbath to save a non-Jew: Meiri versus the Mishnah Berurah, Chatam Sofer, and life-saving
The text describes the controversies in recent generations about desecrating the Sabbath to save a non-Jew, and the permissions given on the grounds of “ways of peace,” “appearance,” “concern for hostility,” and sometimes as an expansion of life-saving to Jews. It brings that the Mishnah Berurah mainly permits only a rabbinic prohibition and estimates that non-Jews “understand that this is a religious prohibition,” while Chatam Sofer permits even a Torah-level prohibition. By contrast it presents Meiri in Yoma, who states that the prohibition against saving a non-Jew on the Sabbath was said only about the ancient nations “who were not bounded by the norms of the nations,” whereas in his time “certainly” one should desecrate the Sabbath to save them, and his language implies even on a Torah level. It adds Meiri’s interpretation of the reasoning “desecrate one Sabbath for him so that he may keep many Sabbaths” as “for the elegance of the expression,” referring to commandment observance in general and not specifically Sabbaths, and suggests that this understanding supports a broad conception of the obligation to save.
What is the criterion of distinction: idolatry or the norms of the nations
The text describes a common interpretation of Meiri according to which Christianity is not idolatry and therefore the harsh laws do not apply, but presents a difficulty raised by Jacob Katz, since Meiri does not permit Christian ritual objects and does not clearly rule leniently in matters directly related to idolatry itself, and also because Meiri does not confront Maimonides head-on, who defines Christians as idolaters. It proposes an alternative explanation according to which Meiri agrees with Maimonides that Christians are idolaters, but they are “enlightened idolaters,” and the determining criterion for interpersonal leniencies is whether they are “bounded by the norms of the nations” and refined in their character, not the worship itself. It uses this to explain why Meiri also does not permit ritual objects, because the prohibitions of idolatry remain fully in force even if the human and financial relationship changes.
Morality, religion, and evaluating a person whose belief is mistaken
The text presents a debate about a person like “Mother Teresa,” who excels in acts of kindness but “kneels before idolatry,” and formulates a position according to which one can evaluate a person in different dimensions without a “package deal.” It argues that one can apply interpersonal obligations toward such a person and even save him or her on the Sabbath, while at the same time rejecting that person’s belief and fighting idolatry as a principle. It presents an opposing view that sees idolatry as “spitting in the Creator’s face,” and responds that moral evaluation and halakhic ruling in interpersonal relations are not identical with evaluating the religious dimension.
Seeing reality: commitment to the Sages’ description versus contemporary impression
The text formulates that Meiri made two moves: a factual move of changing the perception of reality, in which the non-Jews of his time are seen as decent human beings rather than a corrupt type, and a halakhic move according to which the Sages’ discriminatory laws stemmed from that reality and therefore lapse when reality has changed. It describes an encounter in Yeruham in which yeshiva students argue forcefully that non-Jews perform kindness from improper motives and that “the kindness of the nations is sin,” and it rejects this as a mechanical projection from the Sages’ descriptions rather than from acquaintance with reality. It states that there is no reason to be bound to the Sages’ perception of reality when “our own eyes see” that the average non-Jewish person resembles the average Jewish person, and presents the future question as a separate problem: how to deal with the laws built on the earlier conception, and whether this is the point where the dilemma of “changes in Jewish law” begins.
Full Transcript
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Last time we started the issue of changes in Jewish law, and really it was mainly about two passages in Maimonides. One passage was the eighth principle and the ninth principle — Torah from Heaven, and that this Torah of Moses will not be nullified. We talked a bit about that. And then afterward, in Laws of the Foundations of the Torah as well, in chapter 9, halakhah 1–2, where it says that it is clear and explicit in the Torah that this commandment stands forever and ever; it has neither change, nor diminution, nor addition. That’s the framework we’re operating in. And I already noted there that it can’t be that even Maimonides meant this in a fully literal sense, because he himself speaks about laws that were created over the generations. I mentioned Maimonides’ responsum about kiddushin, where he says that monetary kiddushin is from the words of the Sages, and in the course of the discussion there he explains that among the interpretations there are only maybe three or four that are supportive interpretations — meaning, the law was received by tradition from Sinai, and we found an interpretation that anchors the law in a verse — but the overwhelming majority of the interpretations we have are creative interpretations. Creative interpretations mean that we are essentially creating new laws, laws that we did not receive by tradition. This is Maimonides himself speaking about changes, at least in a certain sense, in Jewish law. So you can’t say that what we have today — all the sections of the Mishnah Berurah and all the laws that reached us until today, and certainly not laws that contradict each other, where there are disputes — all descended to Moses at Sinai. And that the whole process is really just a process of transmission, a transmission through a hollow pipe, let’s call it that, where everything simply passes through us and the process of transmission is basically a hollow pipe.
So here I want a bit — well, I want to go more deeply into the issue. Maybe we’ll come back later to the process of transmission, but I want to get a little more into the issue itself. There are a few changes in Jewish law that I think one can point to quite clearly, where medieval authorities (Rishonim) speak about it reflectively. There are many changes that happen, but they happen kind of casually. There are places where medieval authorities (Rishonim) explicitly address it in a reflective way, meaning they see that there is some kind of change here and they address it. I’ll bring two examples from Tosafot. There are many such Tosafot passages. Tosafot in Avodah Zarah 15a says: “And now we see that according to everyone, whether according to Rashbam or according to Rabbenu Tam, it is forbidden to sell to idolaters wagons and foals and every non-kosher animal. And therefore one should wonder what they relied on in selling wagons and foals to idolaters, and one should also wonder about horses. Because granted, those not designated except for riding are understandable, for Rabbi Yohanan ruled…” In short, there are halakhic distinctions there, what is permitted and what is forbidden. But those horses that are designated for pulling a carriage and so on, or for plowing, labor of plowing and the like — that’s difficult, because it is forbidden to sell that to a non-Jew; that’s what the Talmud says there in Avodah Zarah.
“And one can say that according to the conclusion of the Talmud, that it is permitted to sell through a broker, and the reason is explained because they do not recognize its voice, it works out, because now they are not our contemporaries and there is no concern…” In short, there are all kinds of explanations why in any case this is permitted according to Jewish law. But then he says this: “However, regarding those that are commonly rented out to idolaters, that is difficult” — rented out, right? Difficult. “And one can say that certainly this, that it is forbidden to sell a non-kosher animal, applied specifically in their times, when many Jews lived together. If a person had an animal he did not need, he would sell it to his fellow and would not lose money on it. But now, what should he do? Since he will not find someone to sell it to, he will lose it. Therefore the Geonim in exile practiced leniency in this matter.”
What is he basically saying? Once, Jews lived — say before the exile, or even in Babylonia — Jews lived together. There was a structure where Jews generally lived together; they were less scattered. And because of that, if someone had an animal to sell, he would sell it to members of his community, and everything was fine. You could uphold this prohibition against selling to non-Jews. But today, when we live scattered around, maybe there’s one Jew near me or two — who says they happen to need exactly the animal I need to sell? So because of that, there’s no choice: we have to sell to non-Jews, because otherwise we won’t be able to make a living.
Well, that’s an interesting argument, but first of all, the prohibition against selling to a non-Jew is apparently a Torah-level prohibition, not a rabbinic one, so it’s a bit hard to accept this kind of argument for permitting a Torah-level prohibition when we’re talking about a situation that is probably not life-threatening. Because if it were life-threatening, you wouldn’t need all these explanations — life-saving overrides the entire Torah. But if it’s not a life-threatening situation, then what exactly permits violating a Torah prohibition just because it’s difficult for us now, things don’t work out, we’re not living together? Still, in any case, that’s what Tosafot says. I’ll maybe bring one more example.
“And as for the present custom of lending to non-Jews,” Rabbenu Tam says, “it is because with regard to matters of the Sages, we follow the lenient position, and we rule in accordance with the other version.” Never mind, there are two versions there in the Talmudic text. “And even according to the first version, it should be permitted, because we are burdened by the king’s tax and the ministers, and it is all part of our livelihood. And moreover, we dwell among the nations, and it is impossible for us to earn a living in any way unless we engage in give-and-take with them. Therefore one should not forbid interest lest one learn from his deeds any more than from other forms of commerce.” So even interest to a non-Jew — you can’t prohibit it, just as you can’t prohibit all business dealings with a non-Jew, because the concern is lest one learn from their deeds, but in practice we need it; we can’t make a living without it.
[Speaker C] Those two words, “they practiced” and “there’s already a custom,” that already… right. Right, Tosafot is explaining the custom that existed. Right, right.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] But still, in the end, it has to hold water halakhically. True that…
[Speaker D] The four cases of interest… to a non-Jew that’s certainly rabbinic. Right, okay.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] By the way, rabbinic is more severe, but we’ll get to that later. Rabbinic law is harder to change than Torah law. But there… I may get to those things later. Right now I’m bringing these examples דווקא in order to claim that these examples are not change. I’m bringing them to argue that these examples are not a change in Jewish law. And that these examples basically reflect a situation where you’re in distress. When you’re in distress, you have to find solutions. Starting from testimony about a woman, where the Rabbis enacted that one witness is believed in testimony about a woman, even though according to Torah law you need two. Or Hillel the Elder’s prosbul, which he enacted when people refrained from lending to one another before the Sabbatical year. So come on — when there’s a problem, we find a solution.
True, here in Tosafot it doesn’t sound like the sages of the generation sat down and enacted an ordinance. With rabbinic enactments, they can enact something; there’s “do not deviate” — the Torah itself authorizes the sages to enact ordinances. But here we’re not talking about ordinances, we’re talking about distress. Apparently there also isn’t an authorized institution that could make such a decision, like the Sanhedrin or some agreed-upon body that could make this decision. So in that sense it’s not exactly like what we find in the period of the Sages. But still, there is a response here to distress. This is not change. They are not claiming that now… once it was forbidden and now it is permitted. The change in circumstances they describe — that once we were together and now we are scattered — is a change meant to explain not why Jewish law changes, but why the distress has grown. There is now a distress that didn’t exist before. And once there is distress, there’s no choice, we somehow have to find a solution. And that solution somehow presumably has to fit into Jewish law. Either such a prohibition is overridden because of the distress, or it was never said in such a case because of the distress — it doesn’t matter. But they found some principle of override that is within Jewish law. That’s not what I call change. Okay? That’s not change in Jewish law. Yes.
[Speaker G] Something similar is renewed outside… yes. Ordinary gentile wine…
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Ordinary gentile wine — right, there really are all sorts of…
[Speaker G] Yes, almost every single one in Jewish law. Right. Right.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Yes, so there are examples of that. But these examples are often presented as a response… a response to changed reality that is still a response within Jewish law. Meaning, there’s distress, so there’s no choice, you have to give up this prohibition. Again, exactly how to defend that halakhically isn’t so simple. Tosafot doesn’t say. Good question. But still, from the overall tone of Tosafot’s words, somehow it seems that this is not change. It’s simply… it’s simply a response. What can you do? Life-saving overrides the Sabbath. So what, if I now desecrate the Sabbath, does that mean the Sabbath is now permitted? Did I change Jewish law? No. There is life-saving, so what can you do, I override the Sabbath. That is not called changing Jewish law.
[Speaker H] So what’s called change is that even without the reason, the law itself would have been altered?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Not… I’ll get to that. That’s an excellent question, by the way. That’s exactly the topic. I’ll get to it in a moment.
[Speaker B] If the distress becomes entrenched, then the law will go back to what…
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Yes.
[Speaker E] Did you say that one witness is like an emergency ruling?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] It’s not an emergency ruling. It’s a rabbinic enactment. One witness in testimony about a woman. By Torah law, in matters of sexual status you need two witnesses; matters of sexual status require no fewer than two. But in a case of agunah, yes — where a woman is chained because her husband is missing — and one witness comes and testifies that her husband died, one witness is believed, even a disqualified witness is believed, even a non-Jew speaking innocently, it doesn’t matter. Anywhere you can trust him, he is believed.
[Speaker I] In general, one witness is believed regarding prohibitions, no?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Regarding prohibitions. From niddah or…
[Speaker I] Okay, right.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] One witness is believed regarding prohibitions, something learned from “and she shall count for herself.” Tosafot at the beginning of Gittin, right. But I’m talking about one witness in testimony about a woman, a matter of sexual status, where you need two witnesses. But a matter of sexual status is not just prohibitions. A matter of sexual status — “matter, matter” is learned from monetary law. You need two witnesses in matters of sexual status just like in monetary law; it’s not like ordinary prohibitions. By the way, even in prohibitions, if it uproots an established presumption, there are views that say even there you need two. But in matters of sexual status it is clear that you need two.
And there it really is a question; one has to understand what the Sages did there. I’m just saying this parenthetically. One has to understand what the Sages did there. Seemingly they are permitting a married woman to the marketplace. Because by Torah law she is a married woman, and the sages permit her to the marketplace through a rabbinic enactment. How can that be? Are they annulling the kiddushin? What exactly are they doing there? If they are annulling the kiddushin, that has all sorts of practical implications. It’s not presented as a mechanism of “the Rabbis annulled the marriage from him.” If she committed adultery once, then if they annulled the kiddushin, it turns out she is not liable to death. There are major practical consequences; you’d have to say that. No, it’s not presented as annulment; it’s an enactment.
But there one has to understand: it’s not really permitting a married woman to the marketplace when the Sages understand this agunah permission. It’s obvious that in a place where we have some doubt — maybe her husband is alive — there is no chance they would permit her. The permission exists only where we have become fully convinced that her husband is dead. Fully convinced, as much as human beings can be. There can always be a mistake, but when a religious court is fully convinced that the woman’s husband has died, then it permits her to remarry. And the question whether she is permitted or forbidden does not depend on the laws of evidence; it depends on the facts. If her husband died, then she is not a married woman and she is permitted. If her husband did not die, then she is forbidden. There are laws of evidence for how you determine these facts, whether her husband died or not. What the Rabbis did was lower the threshold in the laws of evidence. But again, not in the probabilistic sense — not the likelihood that the husband died. It has to be a hundred percent likelihood that he died. Not a hundred percent; there has to be as much certainty as possible that he died. When there are formal problems — you need two witnesses, “on the testimony of two witnesses a matter shall stand” — then those formal problems we can set aside. But that is when we are convinced. We did not permit a married woman to the marketplace. Once we are convinced that in fact the husband has died, then the woman is permitted. We are staking our heads on it. That is the same as two witnesses. One witness is believed like two witnesses, in practice, from the standpoint of “what actually happened.” But okay, there is also a formal rule in Jewish law that matters of sexual status require no fewer than two, and that is what the Sages were willing to waive when they knew they were not permitting a married woman to the marketplace. They simply dropped the formal rule of “on the basis of two witnesses a matter shall stand”; they did not permit a married woman to the marketplace.
[Speaker B] If the husband comes back?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] If the husband comes back, that can happen even when they brought two witnesses. If they brought two witnesses and the husband comes back, that can also happen. We’re human beings; human beings can make mistakes. But still, if the level of certainty that two witnesses give me is given by one witness, then that is also okay, even though according to the formal law it isn’t enough. And that itself is proof that this is not “the Rabbis annulled the marriage.” You’re saying that’s proof it’s not annulment, because if the husband comes back then what’s the problem? If they annulled the kiddushin, then everything is fine.
[Speaker B] Yes, right.
[Speaker I] But why is that changed circumstances? What? In the desert or in the settlement there was no such case? Which case? That one witness is believed regarding prohibitions? Or in matters of sexual status? What? Testimony about a woman? Why here is there changed circumstances?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Here we have to distinguish between two situations. Sometimes there was such a situation, but it took time until the sages decided to sit down and enact something. I don’t know who exactly enacted that ordinance, but yes, sometimes it takes time. What about, I don’t know, the oath of hesset? A Talmudic enactment, the Talmudic oath, right? What, before the Talmud there was no problem in a case where someone denies everything, where “a person does not have the brazenness to deny his creditor” and all those things? Suddenly people became such liars that a person does have the brazenness? So medieval and later authorities discuss this — what change in circumstances there was. What?
[Speaker I] So sometimes they said that because of this they increased…
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Yes, but there they don’t say that about the oath of hesset. And then indeed the medieval authorities (Rishonim) — there’s a long responsum of Beit HaLevi about it, a very long responsum, also a lot from Chatam Sofer — a number of commentators discuss there what the changed circumstances were. I think that discussion is based on a mistake. In my opinion there doesn’t have to be changed circumstances. Not necessarily. Sometimes an enactment is a response to changed circumstances.
[Speaker I] But is that still a change in Jewish law? The Holy One, blessed be He, didn’t think it was right that one witness should be believed? It’s a rabbinic enactment.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] What do you mean by change in Jewish law? A rabbinic enactment is part of Jewish law.
[Speaker I] They lowered the threshold of the Torah law. Obviously — every rabbinic enactment.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] And when they forbade poultry with milk, is that not a change in Jewish law? Why only to be lenient? Also to be stringent. But it’s a fence. Fine — what’s the difference? The sages have authority to enact ordinances; the Torah gave them that authority. That’s not change. An enactment is not a change in Jewish law. A change in Jewish law is when I look at a Torah-level law — not enacting an ordinance — and I decide that a Torah-level law that once applied no longer applies today or…
[Speaker I] changed, whatever.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Then yes, that is at least change. That’s change. But a rabbinic enactment is not change. A rabbinic enactment means the sages have authority to enact ordinances.
[Speaker J] The Torah itself says that. Ordinances are not change. What I mean by change on the principled level is when I change a Torah-level law, or a law that was rabbinic and I now change it. But a rabbinic enactment on top of the Torah platform is not called change. That is part of Jewish law.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] You can call that
[Speaker J] change, it doesn’t matter, but that’s
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] not the kind of change I’m talking about. According to that, you’re saying this is Torah law, but the sages nevertheless say this is a rabbinic enactment.
[Speaker J] Then that’s already a stronger established presumption, stronger.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] But the fact that the presumption is stronger doesn’t help, because in a matter of sexual status you need two witnesses. It doesn’t help if you have the strongest presumption possible — it still doesn’t matter.
[Speaker J] No, it’s like “we are witnesses” or something like that.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] But still, in a matter of sexual status you need two witnesses.
[Speaker J] There is, there is “we are witnesses” sometimes with seclusion — that’s something else.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] There is Rashba and Ketzot there. They discuss what happens when the husband and wife come and say, “We became betrothed privately between ourselves.” Right? So seemingly, a litigant’s admission is like a hundred witnesses. Here there is some sort of…
[Speaker J] There it’s constitutive witnesses.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Fine, so what? It’s the same thing. A matter of sexual status is learned from monetary law. And if these are constitutive witnesses, as Rabbi Shimon Shkop says, then in monetary law as well they are constitutive witnesses. One just has to understand what exactly constitutive witnesses mean in monetary law. If you learn it through “matter, matter” from monetary law, it cannot be that in matters of sexual status it’s something else. It’s the same rules. And then indeed there is a dispute there between Ketzot and Rashba. It seems to me that Rashba wants to claim that on the principled level the kiddushin takes effect, because a litigant’s admission is like a hundred witnesses. And then what he is effectively saying is that if there is proof as strong as witnesses, that also works; you don’t specifically need witnesses. But Ketzot disagrees with him. He shows in various places that this is not true; you specifically need witnesses. These are witnesses not because of the level of proof they provide. And that is the accepted view among most halakhic decisors — meaning, you really need actual witnesses. And the same with “we are witnesses.” “We are witnesses” will not help in matters of sexual status according to most halakhic decisors. “We are witnesses” is evidence as good as witnesses, and that’s why we say “we are witnesses,” but for the “we are witnesses” themselves to count as constitutive witnesses — that’s a stretch.
There are those who want to argue regarding delivery witnesses in a bill of divorce that “we are witnesses” creates delivery witnesses according to the Rif’s approach, where he says that Rabbi Eliezer holds that delivery witnesses effect the divorce. So according to Rif, even delivery witnesses… meaning, “delivery witnesses effect the divorce” means that the witnesses who testify to the delivery of the bill of divorce to the woman are the ones who effect the divorce — as opposed to signatory witnesses effecting it, meaning that the witnesses who signed the divorce document effect it. Now, when Rif explains Rabbi Eliezer, who says that delivery witnesses effect it, he says “even delivery witnesses effect it,” meaning delivery witnesses alone work, but also signatory witnesses. And if we rule in accordance with Rabbi Eliezer, this is a major practical difference, because signatory witnesses alone can also effect it. Now Ran, when he explains Rif, says: how does this work? There are delivery witnesses here. How are there delivery witnesses? The bill of divorce was in the husband’s possession, suddenly you see it with the wife, so “we are witnesses” that it passed from the husband to the wife. So there you really do see that “we are witnesses” can do the work of two witnesses for constituting the matter. But even there, basically the claim is that the two witnesses on the document are the ones doing it; we are only using the document’s witnesses to testify about…
[Speaker H] I apologize for my ignorance. You’re saying they permitted lending to non-Jews, but isn’t it stated explicitly in the Torah — “To the foreigner you may lend with interest”?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] “To the foreigner you may lend with interest” — according to most views, that is a prohibition inferred from a positive commandment; only Maimonides turns it into a positive commandment.
[Speaker H] But how does it become a prohibition?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No, no, first…
[Speaker H] The Rabbis prohibited it because of “lest he learn from his deeds.”
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Lending to a non-Jew? Yes. Fine. And today we no longer practice that prohibition, as Tosafot said. It depends on the two versions there; there is a dispute…
[Speaker B] about that. No matter how you rule.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] What? A heter iska for a non-Jew? Yes. So Tosafot did it without a heter iska. Anyway, for our purposes, those are not what I call changes. Let’s now look at an example of something that perhaps does come close to being a change — we’ll discuss it. There is the well-known Meiri regarding the attitude toward a non-Jew. Meiri repeats this in dozens and dozens of places in a very systematic way, almost everywhere in tractate Avodah Zarah mainly, but also in other tractates, in Bava Kamma and in various places, in Yoma — almost everywhere the Talmud talks about some kind of, let’s call it, discrimination regarding a non-Jew or a different attitude toward a non-Jew and a Jew, Meiri says…
[Speaker B] It applied in their time; it does not apply in our time.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] That’s what Meiri says. I’ll give — yes, I’ll give maybe a few examples. I’ll read one or two, three passages from Meiri so that you get the impression. Meiri in Bava Kamma 113: “It turns out that even idolaters and those not bounded by the ways of religion, it is forbidden to rob them, and if one was sold to a Jew, it is forbidden for him to leave his hand without redemption” — as a slave. “And likewise it is forbidden to evade repaying his loan. Nevertheless, a person is not obligated to go searching after his lost object in order to return it to him. Rather, even one who finds his lost object is not obligated to return it, because a found object is partially an acquisition, and returning it is an act of piety, and we are not bound to acts of piety toward one who has no religion. And likewise, if he made an error on his own, not through one’s trickery and not through one’s effort, there is no obligation to correct it. Nevertheless, if it became known to him, in any event he is obligated to return it. And likewise, even in the case of a lost object, wherever there would be desecration of God’s name by withholding it, he returns it.” But in practice, intrinsically, one need not return lost property to non-Jews, and so on.
But notice, he is speaking here about non-Jews who are idolaters and not bounded by the ways of religion. Now he adds: “From here we learn that anyone from among the nations who are bounded by the ways of religion and who worship God in some manner — even though their faith is far from ours — are not included in this. They are not included in this law of not returning their lost object; rather, they are like a full Jew in these matters.”
[Speaker B] And what is the permission not to return — permission not to…
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Not to return the lost object. There are those who say there is even some kind of prohibition — never mind. Regarding interest, Maimonides says there is an obligation, a duty to lend to them with interest. “To the foreigner you may lend with interest” — he takes it as a positive commandment. “In lost property, in error, and in all other matters, without any distinction.” Okay?
[Speaker K] Provence. Provence. So it could be, because there were cases in history where texts were given that were seemingly discriminatory against non-Jews, and they thought it was because of censorship.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] I’ll deal with that claim in a moment. There are many claims about Meiri; I’ll get to that in just a second. I’ll read two more sources just so you get the picture. “And it has already been explained that these matters were said for those times” — this is in Avodah Zarah 26b — “when those nations were idolaters and were polluted in their actions and ugly in their character traits, as in what is stated in part, ‘Like the practice of the land of Egypt where you dwelled you shall not do, and like the practice of the land of Canaan,’ etc. But other nations, who are bounded by the ways of religion and who are clean of these ugly character traits — and on the contrary, they punish such things, so that if someone does these things they even punish him — there is no doubt that these matters have no place with regard to them at all, as we have explained. And this has already been repeated many times in our words so that you should not need many forced interpretations that you find in the novellae and in Tosafot unnecessarily.” He means the Tosafot I read earlier.
[Speaker K] The non-Jews of today are not the non-Jews of the past?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Exactly. Meaning, he means the Tosafot I read earlier, that you don’t need to get into the strained answers of Tosafot, because I said that Tosafot’s explanation really does seem a bit problematic. He says: I have another explanation. And you can already see that he views his explanation as a different mechanism from Tosafot’s mechanism. Okay? He himself says this. He says: so that you won’t need that strained mechanism of Tosafot, I am now telling you — know that this is a sweeping rule, in every place it’s a rule, without all kinds of excuses like whether we live together today or not, all kinds of strained answers of that sort.
[Speaker H] Is that regarding those non-Jews who lived in his time?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Right, we’ll get to that in just a moment. But in any case, regarding concern for violation of the Sabbath and concern for forbidden foods and drinks, such as libation wine or ordinary gentile wine, and the other prohibitions similar to these—whether prohibitions of eating or those enacted because of concern for intermarriage—all nations are equal in this, including the Christians around him. Aside from the prohibition of deriving benefit from their ordinary wine, according to most commentators; that’s a different discussion. And from now on the matter should be clear in your mind, and we won’t need to repeat it in every single case; rather, you should examine for yourself in which passages he is speaking about the ancient nations and in which he is speaking about everyone. Understood? Okay? Meaning, there are things that have not changed. The issues of their wine or libation wine—ordinary wine is disputed, but libation wine, or prohibitions because of intermarriage, yes, meaning that closeness with gentiles is forbidden so that you won’t come to marry them and the like—that remains in force even with regard to the gentiles of his own time. Now here, usually—first of all, the Meiri was unknown. Meaning, there were secondary hints of this. In Shitah Mekubetzet he cites the Meiri, so there are one or two places where he mentions this line of reasoning of the Meiri, but nobody noticed that there was some kind of distinct position here that differed from Tosafot. It looked like just another source, something like Tosafot, where there had been some difficulty and someone found some solution for it and so on. And there are such sources; nobody got excited about it. When the Meiri was discovered—and I think this happened in the twentieth century—the manuscripts of the Meiri, then suddenly people saw that he returns to this very systematically everywhere. It’s not once or twice. And then a discussion began over what this means. So the accepted view, I think, among many commentators and halakhic decisors is that the Meiri wrote this because of fear of censorship. Basically, there was some fear that the Jews would be caught discriminating against the gentile, so everywhere he inserted some note for the censor. Right? And we do find books like that, where at the beginning they write something like: all the gentiles mentioned in this book are only the ancient gentiles, not the gentiles of today, of the emperor—the emperor, may his glory be exalted—who of course is enlightened and holy and helps the Jews, and certainly all these things were not said about him. Those are things that, obviously, were written out of fear of censorship, I think. By the way, even in those cases I’m not sure that’s true, but in those cases one can accept that it’s true. You know how Jews related to the emperor, so I think you can see that this was a genuine attitude. Today we don’t live that reality, so we don’t understand it. So I think that at least in some of the cases, it really was genuine, and even there it wasn’t apologetics because of censorship. But it’s commonly assumed that it was. However, anyone who applies that to the Meiri, in my opinion, is mistaken. And not only in my opinion—others said this before me. There is an article by Yaakov Katz on this issue, and he discusses it. If the Meiri only needed to discharge an obligation toward the censor, then the stupidest thing he could do would be to insert it in tiny Rashi script in the middle of the passage. What censor is reading all those little letters there? Put a big framed statement on the first page: all the gentiles mentioned here are only the ancient gentiles; you, of course, are our friends and brothers, and none of this applies to you. And in the opening—again, I don’t know exactly how the Meiri’s book was first published—but there’s no indication that he wrote this prominently somewhere. He illuminates it as note after note, everywhere that a discussion of gentiles and Jews comes up, in a very systematic way. So it is very hard to accept that this was written merely out of fear of censorship. It seems there is some kind of method here. And that method basically says that now you take an entire sector of prohibitions or exemptions that exist in Jewish law—all the commandments between one person and another, after all, were said in the Torah only regarding “your fellow,” one who is “your fellow in Torah and commandments,” one who is “with you in practice,” and not regarding gentiles, and not even regarding Jews who do not observe commandments, by the way—that’s the same thing. And the Meiri says: all that is nullified. In his period, regarding the gentiles around him in his time, it is nullified. Why is it nullified? Because they are no longer idol worshippers as they once were, and they are “bounded by the norms of the nations”—that’s an expression he repeats many, many times in many places. And in additional places too. By the way, the Meiri in tractate Yoma goes so far as Sabbath desecration in order to save the life of a gentile. All the polemics nowadays, from the Chatam Sofer, the Mishnah Berurah, down to our own day—and now it’s even stronger—that according to the core law there is no prohibition on not desecrating the Sabbath in order to save a gentile’s life; you should leave him to die. It seems to me that even with a rabbinic prohibition, according to the basic law, there is no permission. There is no permission, and therefore it is forbidden.
[Speaker B] To desecrate the Sabbath, you need permission.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Ah, there’s no permission, yes, of course. And that obviously raises difficult questions and difficult feelings, certainly in our time. So they say: yes, because of peaceful relations and appearance, and all sorts of concerns about hostility from others—that if you don’t save the gentiles here, then gentile doctors around the world won’t save Jews, or gentiles in general will riot against Jews—arguments that we love so much. And because of that, it is basically permitted to desecrate the Sabbath in order to save a gentile, at least through a rabbinic prohibition. That’s what the Mishnah Berurah says. He has a very interesting argument there, the Mishnah Berurah. He writes that if you do not desecrate the Sabbath in order to save a gentile by means of a Torah-level prohibition, the gentiles will understand that too; nothing will happen. Because they understand that it’s a religious prohibition—they’re a bit different, yes. We see today that if gentiles were to see someone not desecrating the Sabbath to save a gentile—actually Jews would see it, not gentiles—that someone wasn’t desecrating the Sabbath to save a gentile, I don’t know, riots would break out. But the Mishnah Berurah writes this as a factual assessment of the gentiles around him—that they understand it’s a religious matter, we can’t do it. In a religious environment they apparently saw things differently, because the gentiles then were also religious.
[Speaker H] You have this today among the Mormons, for example, who refrain from doing life-saving things, and it’s considered immunity—like vaccines and all—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Various things—not on the Sabbath, but in general.
[Speaker H] Yes, a kind of afflictions from the Holy One, blessed be He—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Death, and it’s not terrible, they didn’t vaccinate. No—when they do that to others. But when they do it to others and not to themselves, the question is what the surrounding society will say, because that’s the issue with the Jews. With Jews, you desecrate the Sabbath to save a Jewish life, but not the life of a gentile. Fine. So they permitted a rabbinic prohibition—that’s the Mishnah Berurah. The Chatam Sofer says even a Torah-level prohibition is permitted. But all of that was explained because of concern for Jewish lives, so saving life overrides the Sabbath. Saving life in a broader sense, but still—it’s a mechanism of saving life. But the Meiri explicitly does not write that. And many people who discussed this issue overlooked that. The Meiri in tractate Yoma writes, in a very short sentence, that this whole matter of not saving a gentile on the Sabbath—he goes back exactly to the expressions he wrote here—that this whole matter of not saving a gentile through desecrating the Sabbath applies only to the ancient gentiles, who were not bounded by the norms of the nations, and today certainly one must desecrate the Sabbath in order to save them. And from his wording it is quite clear that this includes Torah-level prohibitions as well. You desecrate the Sabbath even on a Torah level. By the way, according to the Meiri’s approach—maybe we’ll say this sometime.
[Speaker L] Is it permitted or required? He says this was said about the ancient gentiles.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Now the question is, what does the Meiri say for our own day?
[Speaker L] So that’s what I’m saying—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] He doesn’t say—
[Speaker L] He says it was said about the ancient gentiles—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] But it’s quite clear that if, say, you’re not obligated, then there would be no permission for Sabbath desecration. Therefore it seems to me obvious that there is no middle position here of “it is permitted to desecrate the Sabbath.” Either you are obligated to desecrate the Sabbath, or it is forbidden. Because if it’s merely permitted, then why on earth desecrate it? There is basically an obligation. I think that’s the necessary interpretation, even though he doesn’t write it. Again, I’m saying: there is an obligation to treat a gentile exactly the way you treat a Jew. The same thing. There is no difference. The Meiri’s position appears in Be’ur Halakhah on section 328 in Orach Chayim, where he speaks about saving life. “Desecrate one Sabbath for him…” The Talmud in Yoma brings two reasons—why, in the conclusion, two reasons remain for why one desecrates the Sabbath to save life. One reason is: “Desecrate one Sabbath for him so that he may keep many Sabbaths.” Yes? You pay the price of one Sabbath and gain the observance of many Sabbaths. The second reason is: “And live by them”—and not die by them. These two reasons, ostensibly, both remain. One permits only certainty, the other permits even doubt, but both remain in Jewish law. And the Meiri writes more than that: not only does “Desecrate one Sabbath for him so that he may keep many Sabbaths” remain in the law, but in fact it does not speak only about the Sabbath. Say, for example, I now need to desecrate the Sabbath in order to save a life for two days only—temporary life. The person, in my estimate, will live two or three days; he won’t reach the next Sabbath, certainly not many Sabbaths. Okay? Is it permitted to desecrate the Sabbath? He says: certainly yes. “Desecrate one Sabbath” is just a figure of speech; the intention is: desecrate one Sabbath for him so that he may keep many commandments. Now, commandments can be kept on Sunday too. There are many commandments a person can do in his life, and that’s also good—you don’t need specifically to save many Sabbaths. If that is really so—if the issue is desecrating the Sabbath in order to save… in order to preserve commandments—then perhaps one can explain more easily what the Meiri says regarding a gentile. That this is also the Meiri’s approach regarding Sabbath desecration. Why? Because clearly, if the gentiles do not keep their own commandments—when he says they were not bounded by the norms of the nations, he means they did not keep the seven Noahide commandments. What it says in the Talmud, “He stood and relinquished their property to Israel,” yes—“He stood and saw the nations and relinquished their property to Israel.” A verse from Habakkuk, I think, something like that, and Vezot Haberakhah—I don’t remember anymore—that He saw they did not keep the seven Noahide commandments, and so He permitted their property to Israel, meaning He cancelled the obligations between people as they apply toward gentiles, by the Holy One, blessed be He. Okay? And gentiles, in the Sages’ conception, are people who do not keep the seven Noahide commandments. They do nothing. So for such people there is no permission to desecrate the Sabbath in order to save them, because the whole permission to desecrate the Sabbath even for a Jew is apparently—I’m saying, maybe we discussed this once—even for a Jew, the permission to desecrate the Sabbath is not because of the value of his life, but because he will keep many Sabbaths. You are basically saving commandments, not saving life. So he says that for a gentile who does not keep commandments, there is no point in desecrating the Sabbath to save him. But if there is a gentile like in the Meiri’s time, who does keep the commandments, then the obligation to desecrate the Sabbath to save him returns, just like for anyone else. What difference does it make which commandments? He said it’s not specifically the Sabbath, because gentiles are forbidden to observe the Sabbath, but if it means all commandments, then what difference does it make?
[Speaker H] That’s a very problematic claim. So I won’t save a person who is paralyzed in his entire body on the Sabbath?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Paralyzed in his entire body—he can keep commandments. What’s the problem? He can keep commandments of fear of God, love of God; he can keep many commandments without moving. You could say someone unconscious—what can he do? Okay, fair enough, there really were those who said you can’t.
[Speaker H] To disconnect him from the oxygen machine, I wouldn’t turn it on?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Right. If this is someone who is already dead in the mental sense, in the cognitive sense, then there are opinions among the halakhic decisors who say no—
[Speaker M] To turn it on? He’s not settling the Land of Israel… what? He makes the family happy…
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] He’s not settling the Land of Israel. Why not? He is sitting in the Land of Israel, but the commandment of settling the Land of Israel—you can’t fulfill a commandment without intending it as a commandment. He does the action; even if phylacteries are placed on him, he is not fulfilling the commandment of phylacteries, so that doesn’t count as fulfilling the commandment of settling the Land of Israel. In any case, the Meiri is basically saying that one may desecrate the Sabbath—that one even must desecrate the Sabbath—to save the life of a gentile. That’s how far it goes. This is permission for Sabbath desecration… permission to desecrate the Sabbath. He takes it very seriously. It’s not just returning a lost object to him. Okay, returning a lost object—fine, return his lost object, what’s the big deal? Here we’re talking about permission to desecrate the Sabbath. It’s a little hard to say that he wrote this too out of fear of the censor. Okay? Let him write it for the censor in all the other places, and then here say, “I forgot to add it.” Right? No—he adds it everywhere, even in the most severe matters there are.
[Speaker K] In the days of the Meiri, were there Haredim—in quotation marks—who would say to the Meiri: no, no, that’s not true, a gentile is a gentile, what the Torah said…
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Right. That was indeed the opinion of most halakhic decisors, and still is.
[Speaker K] Oh, most decisors were against him?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No, there is no discussion of the Meiri. Again, I don’t know of significant discussion of the Meiri. By the way, that itself is an interesting puzzle. Because even if we didn’t know the Meiri, how can it be that such a consistent position of his, so systematic throughout, won no response whatsoever from the sages of his generation or the sages of later generations? Neither support nor opposition. Right—it just isn’t known. By the way, someone tried to argue that these are forgeries, because otherwise how can it be that there is no response at all from the sages of his generation?
[Speaker K] No—what do people think?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Nobody thought that. A student of mine who wrote an article on it told me, maybe it’s a forgery. He spoke with a friend of his who had done some research on the Meiri, even did some graduate degree on him—I don’t remember, a master’s or a doctorate or something—and he raised the possibility that maybe it was forged. He has no indication whatsoever, but he says it’s strange that there’s no response at all.
[Speaker H] And this was discovered in his period—his writings, the manuscripts—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] The Meiri was discovered in the twentieth century.
[Speaker H] So maybe they remained hidden until then. It’s possible.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No, but in his own time they knew it. At some point it disappeared.
[Speaker B] And that’s testimony that he knew.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No, it didn’t disappear—it’s simply—
[Speaker B] Not manuscripts captured from the genizah?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] They don’t say everything—the question of the genizah. He says: old manuscripts discovered today are not given halakhic standing. That’s what the Chazon Ish wants to argue. There are other things too that have undergone checks, and how do you know what corruptions may have entered there, and so on and so on. He doesn’t write this specifically about the Meiri.
[Speaker H] And that also doesn’t relate to…
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] He doesn’t mention any names there at all, as far as I remember, in that letter. That letter speaks in general terms. It could be that he perhaps means the Meiri too, but he doesn’t mention him, and not this issue regarding gentiles either. In general he says—all of this is basically against academic learning in a certain sense, where you look for context and manuscripts and so on. Leave me alone with manuscripts. What reached us has providence from Heaven behind it, it’s correct, and everything is fine. And what did not pass before the eyes of all the halakhic decisors throughout the generations may be corrupted—who knows? You can’t rely on it for Jewish law. By the way, in the Chazon Ish himself you can see places where he does make use of such things, and that raises an interesting question of what he really thought about it.
[Speaker I] What kind of use?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Of the Meiri in general, or of using writings uncovered from genizot. Not specifically this Meiri on gentiles—this he doesn’t know. In any case, let’s get back to our topic. So therefore Yaakov Katz basically argues that there is some consistent approach here in the Meiri. It’s not something written out of fear of censorship. There is a consistent approach here. And now the question is how to explain that approach. So he says—he assumes the Meiri, and that’s also what most commentators on the Meiri assume—after we say this is not a forgery and that it is a genuine position and all that, what is the position? So most commentators on the Meiri want to argue that he saw Christianity as not being idol worship. So there is no change here, right? Meaning, Christianity… all of this was said about idol worshippers. Christians are not idol worshippers. He says they are not like the pagan worshippers of old, and so on. So Christianity is not idol worship. And because of that—and with the added assumption, of course, that all these prohibitions of… not prohibitions, but permissions, like not returning a lost object to a gentile, and their theft, and mistakes involving them, and all those things—this all was said only regarding gentiles who are idol worshippers, not regarding ordinary gentiles. Which itself is a matter of major disputes throughout—
[Speaker I] Look and see—wherever you go, they derive it from “your brother.” What? They always derive it from “your brother.”
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Yes, “your brother” in Torah and commandments. Now the question is whether Noahide commandments count—so one who keeps the seven commandments. Fine, look under “Noahide” in the Talmudic Encyclopedia; there’s a survey there of the positions on every issue, whether it applies to every Noahide or only to idol worshippers. The Meiri here assumes two assumptions. First, according to the accepted interpretation, that Christians are not idol worshippers. And second, that all these commandments and prohibitions were said only regarding gentiles who are idol worshippers, not other gentiles. But Yaakov Katz has difficulty at the end of his article with the fact that the Meiri ultimately does not permit Christian ritual objects. In all the passages in tractate Avodah Zarah that deal with Christian ritual objects, the Meiri does not make these kinds of statements. We even read one example, though it’s not exactly ritual objects, but concern for Sabbath violation and concern for forbidden foods and drinks, libation wine and the like, and things prohibited because of intermarriage. For things prohibited because of intermarriage—it’s obvious, you’re forbidden to marry even gentiles who are not idol worshippers, that’s clear.
[Speaker H] Libation wine is idol worship, no?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Yes. So I’m saying: all these things the Meiri forbids. Yes, the Meiri permits this with gentiles of his own time—yes—but not ritual objects.
[Speaker H] No, but right now you said their libation wine is permitted? Or forbidden? It’s forbidden.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No. Except for… wait. First of all, it’s interesting: concern for Sabbath violation and concern for forbidden foods—foods and drinks, such as libation wine, yes, right, such as libation wine or ordinary gentile wine, and other similar prohibitions, whether they are prohibited for eating and so on—all nations are equal in this. Only regarding ordinary gentile wine is there a dispute, but libation wine—
[Speaker H] Meaning that libation wine counts as idol worship. Right. If there is no concern for idol worship in it, why forbid libation wine?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] What? Then why is there a prohibition of libation wine? Okay, so we’ll see. It may be that it becomes ordinary gentile wine when the gentiles are not idol worshippers. Ordinary gentile wine is a rabbinic prohibition, like libation wine. But the Meiri still does not permit the things connected to the idol worship involved. And then the question is: why doesn’t he permit it? So Yaakov Katz—and to his credit, he is actually one of those scholars who maintain intellectual honesty and understand that there are others too, apparently, at least in my opinion—but he really does not immediately go to psychologizing. Meaning, he tries to look for the explanation of these halakhic changes in halakhic mechanisms, because scholars usually tend to attribute it to context and influences and the psychology of the decisor and things like that, whereas traditional learners of course try to explain it with halakhic tools, meaning to understand how it works. Now he—originally a Hebron yeshiva guy, even though later he no longer exactly remained within that framework—still had a yeshiva student’s perspective, and he really tried to find the halakhic analysis. And he kept insisting all along: I’m not looking for psychologizing or anything like that. But here, with ritual objects, he gets stuck. So when it comes to ritual objects, what does this mean? So he says: apparently the Meiri found it psychologically difficult to go so far as to permit ritual objects, and so he just didn’t go that far. There he already surrendered to methodology.
[Speaker B] What about ritual objects?
[Speaker H] Objects used in Christian idol worship—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] The holy bread—how can you justify that? Yes. So there he slips into psychologizing because he can’t find a solution. I’ll raise one more question, and in a moment I’ll propose an answer. Another question I’ll ask: the Meiri, as is known, is a Maimonidean, what’s called a follower of Maimonides, meaning he follows Maimonides. And sometimes he disagrees with Maimonides, but then he cites Maimonides and says he disagrees; he does not ignore him. Now Maimonides’ position, in a basic and consistent way, is that Christians are idol worshippers. The Christians of his time—that means Catholics, of course; there were no others then. They are idol worshippers. Now if the Meiri wants to claim that the Christians around him are not idol worshippers—and of course they too were Catholics; there it’s Catholics to this day—then he should have said so: that Maimonides’ position is such-and-such, and I disagree with him. Or else that Christians have changed since then—what, since Maimonides, in the hundred years that passed? That’s not likely. And he doesn’t say that either. He says nothing. He makes no note at all that here he is frontally departing from Maimonides. A student of mine who actually argues that this was indeed written because of the censor has just written a long and interesting article about it. There are several arguments there. I wasn’t convinced, but there are some interesting points there. He wants to say that this too indicates that the Meiri did not really mean what he says. A possibility—there is another explanation that addresses both difficulties. I don’t mean to say that the Christians around him are not idol worshippers. He is exactly in line with Maimonides: of course they are idol worshippers. They are just enlightened idol worshippers. And that may be no less radical a novelty. That all the condemnatory language of the Sages toward the gentiles of their time, who were idol worshippers and ugly in their deeds and disgraceful in their character traits, as he writes here—that is not a necessary consequence of your being an idol worshipper. You can be a gentile who worships idols and still be a cultured person, a moral person, a person at a decent human level, even though your religious worldview, and even your ritual practice, is idolatry. And I want to claim that what the Meiri writes is that the Christians around him are enlightened idol worshippers. A second novelty: everything the Sages said—the permissions, yes, not to return a lost object, and their theft, and mistakes involving them, and the other things, interest as well, and so on—all those were said only about gentiles who are not decent in their conduct, not about gentiles who are idol worshippers. The ancient gentiles who were not bounded by the norms of the nations—he keeps repeating this—the emphasis is not on their ritual worship. The emphasis is on whether they live by the norms of nations, whether they behave like human beings or behave like animals.
[Speaker H] There are two questions. First of all, if they are idol worshippers in ritual but decent in their character, still, at least regarding the prohibition of idol worship itself, they are not keeping the seven Noahide commandments? In the sense you said earlier—that this is the test for the whole distinction. And a second question: if there is this distinction between enlightened idol worship or idolatry accompanied by decent character, then there too he disagrees with Maimonides. After all, Maimonides does not make that distinction halakhically.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] That’s not a halakhic distinction; it’s a factual distinction.
[Speaker H] Fine, granted.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Maimonides doesn’t need to make that distinction.
[Speaker H] Why? If the law is different for an idol worshipper, but there’s no source for that—that is law.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] What the Meiri is innovating—
[Speaker H] So in that sense he contradicts Maimonides?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No, he does not contradict Maimonides. He says: Maimonides too, if he had seen the gentiles around me, would have written this; he simply did not see gentiles like these.
[Speaker H] The gentiles didn’t change?
[Speaker B] Isn’t that also just different gentiles?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Right. Which hundred years? Not a hundred years—no, these are different places, not a hundred years. Maimonides is in Spain and he is in France. Different places. He estimates that the gentiles around him were simply not… what, not Christians?
[Speaker B] They were Christians. In France they were Christians? Never mind—but presumably he knew the Christians of Spain.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] When Maimonides said things about Christians—
[Speaker B] Which Christians did he have before his eyes?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Presumably the Christians of Spain. Yes, I assume—I’m not…
[Speaker H] Does this also mean that a person who is not an idol worshipper—take Muslims, for example, where ostensibly everyone agrees—but who is not decent in his conduct, suppose—I’m not deciding that here—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] For the Meiri, that would be a stringency.
[Speaker H] So according to the Meiri, that would be more stringent? Right, yes, yes.
[Speaker I] So basically what he is saying about Christianity is that he is not against Christians, but against Christianity.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Yes. Christianity is idol worship, but the people are people of decent character.
[Speaker I] Some more and some less, but they’re reasonable people like us, like you. But it still sounds un-Maimonidean. It still sounds like he should at least have addressed Maimonides. Why? Where did he get this point from? No, where did he get it from? The only source says Christianity is idol worship. So what’s the problem?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] He too says Christianity is idol worship.
[Speaker I] He says—what does he need to address? That Maimonides, my master and teacher, says that this is… But I distinguish between Christianity and its worship on the one hand, and—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No, because it may be that the Christians Maimonides saw around him really were different. It’s not that Maimonides does not distinguish; Maimonides also distinguishes. This does not depart from Maimonides’ way, from his worldview. I do not see any necessity for that.
[Speaker B] But according to this explanation, in practice the Meiri’s test is not whether it is idol worship or not; the test is whether they are decent in their norms or not decent?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] That’s why I said: the example he gave before is an example of stringency.
[Speaker B] And that is the test? And that is the test for all these things. The question is whether in all those places—dozens of places where it appears—in all those places does he emphasize only that and not speak about idol worship?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] The question is whether he mentions idol worship—
[Speaker B] Because if that’s the test, then idol worship, when there were—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] “Those nations were idol worshippers and were defiled in their deeds and ugly in their character traits,” like what is said in part of the verse, “Like the deeds of the land of Egypt where you dwelt, you shall not do,” which of course refers to deeds that are morally ugly, not idol worship.
[Speaker N] But is the fact that they are idol worshippers not relevant?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] I’m saying: I think idol worship is part of it, it’s not… why?
[Speaker N] Idol worshippers are not moral? And yesterday? Right. Molech, those things. Because of their deeds.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No, fine, but that was then. That’s exactly what he argues. Two possibilities, he says. One possibility: the idol worship of old was bound up with such deeds, so it simply became conventional that this is what is called an idol worshipper. Second, it may be that what he means is that these things were said about those times when those nations were idol worshippers—that’s the whole subject of the sentence. “Idol worshippers” is not the criterion, but rather those nations of idol worshippers about whom they spoke were defiled in their deeds and so on, and that is the criterion. “Idol worshippers” is not brought as the criterion but as the subject of the sentence. And then it all becomes… and then it is clear that everywhere his emphasis is on their moral conduct, even if he mentions that they are idol worshippers.
[Speaker G] It’s a little hard to say, regarding Sabbath desecration, that it depends on their conduct. Why? Why did we say it is permitted to desecrate the Sabbath for someone because he’s a good person or something? Why?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Meaning, to save his life? What, does his life have value? If he behaves like an animal, then he’s an animal. But if he behaves like a human being, then he’s a human being. What do you mean—desecrate the Sabbath to save a human life. Why not?
[Speaker G] On the contrary—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] His argument is that everything they forbade—desecrating the Sabbath in order to save the life of a gentile—that is the novelty.
[Speaker G] Basically—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] One should have desecrated the Sabbath for any life as such.
[Speaker G] Because until now we said it was so that he would keep his commandments.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] But he—
[Speaker G] Does keep them. He does keep them.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] He keeps his seven commandments—six of them he keeps, except idol worship. Those are the commandments. Fine, those six commandments he keeps.
[Speaker G] What? He doesn’t keep the prohibition of eating a limb from a living animal.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Why? Who said he doesn’t? I don’t know; it depends on his conduct.
[Speaker G] Who said he doesn’t?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Conduct here means not in the sense of politeness, not in the sense of morality. Who said so?
[Speaker G] I don’t know what—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] They did in the Meiri’s surroundings, but it is certainly possible they observed that too. But it’s not important. So it’s five commandments. That’s also good. The point is that there is no basic wickedness here. There are things they do not keep as commandments, but this is not a religious statement; it is a human moral statement. That is the claim. Now once that is so, there is no question, first, why he deviated from Maimonides’ path, because he didn’t. Second, the question why he did not permit ritual objects—because how could he permit ritual objects? That is idol worship. They are forbidden for benefit because they are objects of idol worship. He cannot permit ritual objects. What he permits are the human prohibitions or the human commandments. You treat them like human beings because they really are human beings. So they have a different religious worldview—mistaken, problematic, maybe harmful—all true. But they are human beings.
[Speaker O] And we know they weren’t exactly very human in that period…
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] I’m not sure. Who said?
[Speaker O] I don’t know. After the Crusades, all the abuse, the whole story in that period, “dirty Jew”…
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] That was after the Crusades. And besides, you know, everything is relative. Meaning, as long as he isn’t killing you, he is already an enlightened gentile. Today, by our standards, maybe that wouldn’t qualify. I’m also not sure how the Jews behaved in that period; that’s another question. But when you compare them to the gentiles of old, as opposed to the Jews of his own day, it seemed to the Meiri that these were already within the category of human beings. It doesn’t matter right now whether more or less, but they were already within the category of human beings, and all the obligations apply to them. Yes.
[Speaker H] This discussion and the Meiri’s simple assumption supports your claim—for example—about our double commitment, on the one hand to the moral system and on the other hand to Jewish law. But something bothers me a little. In the end, the claim is, as you say: take Mother Teresa. All her life she saved lepers in India. She’s righteous in the moral sense, between people. Righteous. She has a place in the pantheon of the righteous. But on the other hand, every morning she kneels before idol worship. What follows from what you’re saying—and this is also the liberal moral view, even the secular one—is that basically a person is judged by the moral test, not by his beliefs.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Depends on what point. Not “basically.” The phrase “basically” is already a leap.
[Speaker H] Many people say: what is morality? It has nothing to do with the Creator of the world. Morality is how you behave toward your fellow human beings. I claim—and on this I’ve disagreed with you for a long time, though I am hardly worthy—that morality, in this, somewhat degrades the honor due to the Creator of the world. A person can come and argue: what are you talking about? Mother Teresa may do all the commandments in the world for 300 years, but when she kneels before that abominable statue, she is spitting in the face of your Creator. How do you forgive her? How are you so careful about the honor of your fellow creatures and not careful about the honor of your Creator? After all, every act she does is an insult and a challenge to the Creator of the world.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] So I’ll tell you the answer I give. One could answer differently; I have no proof. But I don’t see in this the absurdity the way you present it. First, because she is basically calling to that same Creator of the world as I do, only she does it differently. She specifically comes from a religious position. Her actions come from… it’s not just altruism there, right? Fine, never mind. Because she understands the Creator of the world—the same One I speak of—in a different way. Crookedly, incorrectly, fine—but still she is doing it precisely because of Him. And second, I say that presenting an evaluation of a person as a single global evaluation is simplistic. I can evaluate a person from several different aspects. From the moral aspect, I evaluate him one way; from the religious aspect, I evaluate him differently. I can oppose him on the religious level and still appreciate the moral dimension in him. Why does it all have to be a package deal?
[Speaker H] I didn’t say it was a package deal. I said that you give such strong specific weight to her attitude toward humanity that you forgive her for bowing to some statue. I don’t forgive—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] I forgive nothing. But commandments between one person and another still apply to her. That’s what I’m saying. And afterward I’ll go on a preaching campaign against the Christian religion. Fine. But still, if her life is in danger on the Sabbath, I will save her. These are two different things. It’s not—
[Speaker F] Every creature that existed before Abraham our forefather—was he not a human being?
[Speaker B] What do you mean?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] That they are not—
[Speaker F] There was no Holy One, blessed be He?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No, there was. Enoch, Shem and Ever were there. It’s not… in Abraham’s time it somehow disappeared, as Maimonides describes at the beginning of the laws of idol worship. But on the contrary—that’s exactly what I’m saying: you don’t need correct religious belief in order to be a human being. A person is defined, is called a human being, according to his conduct. If you have incorrect religious belief, fine, that’s a mistake, and the ritual objects are forbidden, and it is idol worship, and perhaps you would even incur the death penalty if there is warning and all the required conditions are met, formal warning and everything else. That has nothing to do with whether you are considered a human being and whether the attitude toward you is an attitude due to human beings.
[Speaker B] He’s asking: after all, even they defined idol worshippers like Israel—at that time too there were good people.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Factually, you mean? No, apparently not. What do you mean there were? There were, but a minority. Overall, look at the descriptions of the Sages and of the Hebrew Bible—you can see there. The typical gentile was a gentile like the Meiri describes here. That is the picture they convey to me. I haven’t done historical research into what exactly was there. But when they saw the… I’m saying, for me what matters is how they saw the gentiles around them. Because I’m trying to interpret the halakhic statements of the Sages. So if, through the Sages’ lenses, “gentile” means someone ugly in his deeds, then I don’t really care right now whether there were also righteous gentiles they didn’t notice, or whether it was a small minority, or whether they just did not assess reality correctly—it doesn’t matter. That’s how they saw reality.
[Speaker P] Today I see reality differently.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] What about a Jew whose behavior is ugly? So I say: that is nullified. It is nullified because overall Jews behave like human beings—that’s how it was for the Sages, I’m saying—and overall gentiles did not behave like human beings. There were also gentiles who behaved well. After all, they cite Dama ben Netina regarding honoring parents, for example; they bring an example of a gentile who behaved well. But as a presumption, as a type, the gentile was generally ugly in his deeds. And therefore the Holy One, blessed be He, permitted their property to Israel, because He saw they were not human beings. Maimonides himself writes—just a second—in Bava Kamma 37. There the Talmud discusses—I don’t remember whether it’s 113, which is what I read here, and 37, in two passages. One of them speaks about returning a lost object to a gentile, and the other speaks about by what law one judges him. Yes? Suppose there is a dispute between a Jew and a gentile—what’s called private international law. Meaning, not between nations, but between individuals who belong to different legal systems. So the passage in Bava Kamma says that if, say, a Jew’s ox gored a gentile’s ox, then it depends. If their law is more favorable to the Jew, then we judge him by their law. And if our law is more favorable to the Jew, then we judge him by our law. Yes, this sort of enlightened statement. No—and there it is even told that a certain Roman came to study Torah, and they taught him precisely this law. And he said, how wonderful, the Torah is so beautiful—until he got to this law, and that broke him. So the Sages were aware of the issue, and nevertheless that is how it is described there. Maimonides writes in his Commentary on the Mishnah there, on that mishnah—I think it’s on page 37—he says: and do not wonder that this is how we behave, because he too felt there was something very problematic here morally. Why? Because the gentiles are not human beings, so one does not behave toward them as one behaves toward human beings. Something like that—I don’t remember the exact quotation, but that’s the spirit of it. So someone who behaves like an animal, one treats like an animal. I don’t return lost objects to animals either. And if animals have a dispute with a person, I will favor the person, not the animal.
[Speaker K] Yes, that’s what the Kuzari says—that it’s like a second species?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Okay. No, the Kuzari certainly says that this is type B, but Maimonides doesn’t say that. Maimonides explicitly does not accept the Kuzari’s conception; there’s an interesting article about this in Tzohar 2, I think, by Aryeh Stern. Try to read there about Maimonides’ view on this issue of the special quality of the Jewish people. So Maimonides writes there quite clearly along the lines of the Meiri’s reasoning. Now, not only does he not depart from Maimonides, he actually continues that same line of reasoning. What does he say? That all the attitudes of the Sages toward gentiles stemmed from this—from the human and moral conduct of the gentiles. Fine, so what follows? That if now this changes, if now the conduct is different, then this whole business no longer exists. It is nullified. And so it seems to me that the Meiri did not depart from Maimonides’ path, and there is no problem with not permitting objects of worship, because the Meiri does not say at all that they are not idol worshipers. The Meiri says that they are enlightened idol worshipers. And that itself, of course, is no small novelty in how one views reality. I don’t know if it is exactly a halakhic novelty, but we are used to identifying idol worship with human depravity. And the Meiri says, what do you mean? True, that used to be the case—it came together. But correlation is not identity. There was such a correlation, but that is a correlation that can also change. Once, the two came together; today we see that they are separate.
[Speaker H] But he introduced the idea that the test is there and not here?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Yes, that is a halakhic innovation. That’s why I’m saying, it is a halakhic innovation. The innovation in how reality is viewed is a different innovation. Okay? And a great many people even today are not prepared to make the change in their view of reality—I’m not talking right now about changing Jewish law. Someone I mentioned here once—I wrote about this in Makor Rishon, in the Noah portion, I think—about the fascinating evening I had in Yeruham. I was teaching there in the yeshiva, and we had some kind of gathering; the whole yeshiva got together in the dining hall, and somehow we were talking there about the issue of attitudes toward a gentile. And what a gentile is, and what the difference is between a gentile and a Jew, and so on. And all the guys there explained to me with complete certainty: of course, they stretch out their hoofs like a pig that stretches out its hoofs and says, ‘Look, I am pure.’ And ‘the kindness of the nations is sin,’ and when they do kindness it is only in order to get bonuses or to look good or things of that sort. I said to them: tell me, how many gentiles—I don’t know many gentiles, but I assume you don’t know more gentiles than I do. Young guys who grew up in Israel—I assume they don’t know many gentiles. What are you basing this on? I don’t know, I look around—even in movies or on television or in books, or just from my own impression, or gentiles I meet—not that many; I haven’t been abroad much, but a little—or gentiles in Israel whom I meet—they seem to me like human beings, just like me and like you. Some are better and some are less good, just as among Jews there are better ones and less good ones. Now, I don’t know whether I’m right or not, but that’s what I see. Do you see something different from me? So of course not—they see the same thing. Because they say, clearly, but behind the moral acts it is like that pig stretching out its hoofs, and so on and so on. Where do you get that from? From the Sages’ way of looking at things. These are quotations from the Sages. They didn’t invent it. Now, they were not prepared to make the move—and I mean factually, not halakhically—that the Meiri made. The factual move that says: friends, this is the Sages’ description. True, gentiles are idol worshipers, ugly in their character traits, and even when they do some kindness, ‘the kindness of the nations is sin’—all true. But it is not generic; it is not essential to the very essence of a gentile. That’s how it was then, but today look around you, form an impression, see—they are human beings, good human beings, everything is fine. What’s the problem? Why do I have to be committed to the Sages’ view of reality? What to do with the Sages’ laws—we’ll soon see about that. But first of all, I’m talking for the moment about how you see reality. And they were not willing to make even that distinction of the Meiri’s, not only its halakhic implication. The Meiri made here, as I said before—and with this I’ll finish—two moves, or two innovations. One innovation in the way reality is seen: in his view of reality he was willing to accept that there are gentiles who are good people, and that there are not all kinds of hidden and wicked motives behind it.
[Speaker H] Not only that there are gentiles like that—that’s the characteristic,
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Yes, like Jews—more or less reasonable human beings. I don’t know, a little more, a little less, it doesn’t matter, but they fall into the category of reasonable human beings. That is the factual move. Besides that, he had a halakhic move that says that all the fences and the discriminatory attitude of the Sages toward gentiles stemmed from their inhuman conduct, and therefore when the conduct becomes humane, that is nullified. That is a halakhic innovation. The factual innovation and the halakhic innovation are connected, but you can adopt one without the other. Even if you say, this is reform, I don’t accept it, or I don’t know whether the Meiri wrote this—maybe it was because of fear of censorship—but just make the factual move yourself. Look around you and see. You do not live through the Sages’ glasses; you look at your surroundings, at the world around you.
[Speaker H] But that’s not enough, because if you assume—if you do not accept the Meiri’s halakhic innovation—then even if they are super-duper, there is still an obligation, because they are idol worshipers.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No, so I’m saying—they will not accept the Meiri’s halakhic innovations. First of all, I’m just asking: what is your opinion of gentiles? Leave it aside—don’t save them on the Sabbath, don’t return their lost objects, fine. But first of all I’m asking you: what, gentiles are not human beings? What are they, animals? As Maimonides describes—they’re not? They are human beings like me and like you. Just look.
[Speaker Q] Take it the other way too: today we would not be righteous among the nations of the world; they, from what I understand, are not idol worshipers.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Right. I thought you wanted to say something else, but that’s true, a good example. And whenever I talk to people about this, they tell me, well, look at ISIS, look at the Nazis, whatever. Fine, so look also at Goldstein, Baruch Goldstein, I don’t know. If you take extreme cases, there are always extreme cases. But look at the ordinary person. You meet an ordinary gentile on the street—how is he different in any way from a Jew? You know, many times it is for the better, unfortunately. No, really—good, ordinary, normal human beings. What’s the problem? So I’m saying: if I am forced into the Sages’ view of reality, then I will not make even the Meiri’s first move, not only the halakhic move. But there I see no reason at all to be bound by that. They saw certain gentiles around them, they concluded that it was generic, because all gentiles were like that or almost all gentiles were like that; the correlation was very high, so they apparently understood: this is probably in the nature of the gentile. What can you do? Our own eyes see that this is not true. It is not true. But fine—then their conclusion was incorrect. What is the problem with that? Now the question is what to do with their laws. That is a dilemma. We will talk about that—about changes in Jewish law. Okay? Okay.