Innovation, Conservatism, and Tradition – Lesson 2, Part B
This transcript was produced automatically using artificial intelligence. There may be inaccuracies in the transcribed content and in speaker identification.
🔗 Link to the original lecture
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Table of Contents
- [0:01] Continuing the number series and interpretation
- [0:01] Continuing the series: 3, 5, 7 – different possibilities
- [1:13] Wittgenstein and the claim that there is no continuation without interpretation
- [1:13] Wittgenstein and the argument that there is no continuation without interpretation
- [3:22] The ability to build a function for any desired continuation
- [3:49] Constructing a function for any desired continuation
- [5:08] Simple and midrashic interpretation in swimsuits
- [6:14] The hermeneutic circle and the need for external feedback
- [7:53] The difference between plain meaning and midrash – a classic joke
- [10:05] Defining the Reform person in models of conservatism
- [11:57] Defining the Reform person between conservatism and heresy
- [24:22] The heap paradox as a tool for breaking dichotomies
- [24:22] The heap paradox – why does it exist?
- [25:36] Continuous scales versus conceptual dichotomies
- [27:55] Continuous scale versus dichotomous scale in concepts
- [32:19] Defining the Reform person on the basis of non-absolute commitment
- [33:22] Mapping sociological groups onto the logical map
- [35:10] Distinguishing between arguments and people in a halakhic / of Jewish law context
- [39:14] The claim that there are no plain conservative traditionalists according to Wittgenstein
- [41:29] The Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) ethos and plain conservatism
- [46:49] Locating the Conservatives on the map of arguments
- [50:02] Religious Zionism outside the map of arguments
- [51:38] Summary and emphasis on the map of arguments without a group
Summary
General Overview
The text argues that there is no “simple” continuation of a series or a rule without interpretation, and therefore even what looks like plain meaning is always some kind of midrash within a cultural context. It uses Wittgenstein and the example of “a swimsuit in cold weather” to argue that there is no sharp objective distinction between plain conservatism and midrashic conservatism, only a difference of context and degree. From there it looks for a theoretical definition of the Reform position that is neither plain conservative, nor midrashic conservative, nor heretical, and suggests that a Reform person is someone committed to tradition in a non-absolute way. Later it presents a toolbox for shattering dichotomies through what the two sides share and through the heap paradox, and maps kinds of arguments as opposed to sociological identities, with a strong warning against confusing people with arguments.
Wittgenstein, Rules, and Continuing Series
The text presents the series three, five, seven and shows that there is no “simple continuation” such as nine rather than eleven, because every continuation rests on interpretation. Following Wittgenstein, it argues that there is no way to follow a rule without interpretation, and that one can justify any next number in the series, including minus one-third or a complex number. It constructs a formal example of a polynomial function with coefficients a, b, c, and d that is fitted to four points so as to produce any desired continuation, and concludes that every rule in the world requires interpretation. It rejects framing this as “everything is possible” in a postmodern sense and argues that this is simply a fact of life, not a philosophical mistake.
Plain Conservatism and Midrashic Conservatism as Patterns of Interpretation
The text returns to the swimsuit example and argues that even someone who keeps walking around in a swimsuit in the cold is still interpreting, only with what we might call a “trivial interpretation” of the instruction. It states that formally there is no real difference between midrashic conservatism and plain conservatism, and that the distinction between them is culturally determined rather than objective. It quotes the joke that plain meaning is “my interpretation” and midrash is “your interpretation” in order to show how hard it is to decide what counts as plain meaning and what counts as midrash. Even so, it accepts that in a given context one can intuitively call “swimsuit always” a plain interpretation and “clothing suited to the weather” a midrashic one, though it argues that the dichotomy is less sharp than it seems.
The Hermeneutic Circle and External Context in Interpretation
The text describes the hermeneutic circle as a situation in which the interpreter is trapped inside the text, because the same basis that is being interpreted is also the only source of feedback about whether the interpretation is correct. It explains that academics try to break the circle by using external context such as Maimonides’ biography, other manuscripts, and historical influences, in order to obtain “independent sources” of feedback. In contrast, it sets out the traditional learner, who interprets the text from within itself and does not need context, comparison of versions, or Maimonides’ biography. It concludes that even interpretation that appears to be simple plain meaning rests on interpretation, and therefore the distinction between plain meaning and midrash is not clear.
Defining the Reform Person as Opposed to Conservatives and the Heretic
The text rejects the definition according to which a Reform person is simply someone who changes into warm clothes because he is cold without offering a rationalization, and says that this is actually a “heretic,” because he stands outside commitment to the system of rules. It argues that the first two models are both committed to the system, and the only question is what exactly they are conserving. It considers the suggestion that a Reform person is someone who accepts some of the rules but not all of them, and rejects this as a combination of conservatism and heresy rather than Reform as a separate model. It proposes a fourth model of the Reform person as someone who is “inside the game” but whose commitment to tradition is not absolute—that is, not zero and not one, but on a continuous scale of commitment.
The Third Way, What Opposites Share, and a Toolbox for Breaking Dichotomies
The text argues that when it seems that two positions cover all possibilities, usually the two share something that generates the opposition, and one can attack that shared assumption in order to expose further possibilities. It attributes this principle to the Maharal and illustrates that opposition exists only within the same axis, like a raven versus a dove when both are birds, unlike a chair, which is not the “opposite” of a dove. It gives the example of Religious Zionism versus Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) ideology and argues that what they share is an “imperialist conception of religion,” according to which Zionism must be either part of religion or heresy. It proposes a third option in which Zionism is a domain that is not part of religion and not anti-religious either, and brings the story of the Rabbi of Ponevezh and the flag on Israel Independence Day, and the statement that he was “Zionist like Ben-Gurion,” as an example of secular Zionism that is not religious.
The Heap Paradox and the Continuity of Concepts
The text presents the heap paradox as a failure created by assuming binary categories: one stone is not a heap, adding one stone does not change status, but a million stones are a heap. It shows the same structure with “from when is it afternoon,” color transitions in the spectrum, “how many hairs make someone bald,” and a dilemma argument about tests that assumes only absolutely lazy people and absolutely diligent people. It solves this through continuity: “heap-ness” is measured on a continuous scale between zero and one, and adding a stone changes the degree of heap-ness slightly. It uses this to argue that commitment to tradition is also not necessarily either zero or one, and thus yields the Reform model as partial commitment from the outset.
Mapping Arguments as Opposed to Sociological Groups
The text offers a sociological mapping only as an aid and argues that the heretic is someone not committed to the system, the plain conservative is seemingly identified with the Haredi, and the midrashic conservative is identified with the Modern Orthodox person who interprets the proper continuation according to circumstances. It argues that Reform people are those who are not absolutely committed to the system but are not heretics, and that they refrain even from things like ritual handwashing not because of a competing value but because of incomplete commitment. It emphasizes that the map deals with arguments rather than people, because people can hold incoherent arguments and sociological groups can raise arguments of different kinds. It says that one must discuss the argument itself and not “the color of the gartel” of the person making it.
Critique of the Ethos of Plain Conservatism in Haredi Society
The text argues that there are no true plain conservatives, because in the world there is no following tradition without interpretation, and therefore “plain conservatism” is mainly an ethos. It describes the Haredi ethos as the claim that they change nothing, like the idea that everything a student is destined to innovate was already given to Moses at Sinai, and gives the example of the uncle who claims that Abaye and Rava studied in Yiddish in order to illustrate that self-image. It argues that the Haredim in practice are constantly changing and are actually midrashic conservatives, and that the difference between them and Modern Orthodox lies in degree and in the depth of the midrash. It compares this also to “Kav” yeshivot and the Briskers, who speak in the name of “tradition” although, according to him, their traditions begin with Rabbi Kook or Rabbi Chaim, and it quotes Jacob Katz that Orthodoxy is a modern invention created in response to Reform ideology.
The Conservatives and Their Place on the Map of Arguments
The text asks where to place Conservative Jews and states that on the map of arguments “there is no distinct Conservative argument,” because their logic is midrashic conservatism similar to that of the Modern Orthodox. It argues that the difference lies in degree and in the question of which sources are binding, and that a large share of Conservative arguments could also appear in Modern Orthodox Jewish law literature. It gives as an example the claim that it is preferable to drive on the Sabbath in order to get to synagogue, and notes that contemporary Orthodox rabbis like Rabbi Aviner have written similar arguments as an educational consideration.
Religious Zionism Versus Modern Orthodoxy and Defining the Scope of the Map
The text states that Religious Zionism is not a category on his map because it is an ideology about Zionism and not a method of halakhic / of Jewish law argument. It defines Modern Orthodox as a category that relates to a mode of approaching halakhic rulings and halakhic arguments, whereas Religious Zionism belongs to a dispute in another domain. It concludes that the map includes the heretic, the Reform person, the midrashic conservative, and the plain conservative, and that there is no need to add further kinds of arguments beyond that.
Examples for Distinguishing Between Arguments and People, and Mosheh Zemer
The text mentions a book by a Reform rabbi named Mosheh Zemer called Sensible Jewish Law and argues that he found in it many arguments that could also be formulated in Orthodox halakhic discussion as midrashic conservatism. It argues that the fact that an argument appears in a Reform rabbi’s book does not mean that it is a Reform argument, and that one can also find Reform arguments among Orthodox people. It ends with a practical instruction to examine the character of the argument and not the identity of the speaker.
“Do Not Place a Stumbling Block Before the Blind”
The text ends with a question about “do not place a stumbling block” when a secular person knows that something is forbidden and still wants to come, and it answers that “do not place a stumbling block” applies even to someone who knows. It brings the Talmudic example of handing a cup of wine to a Nazirite who knows that he is forbidden to drink, and concludes that the “blind” person does not have to be blind in terms of knowledge.
Full Transcript
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Okay, so I’m going back. The series three, five, seven—we saw two possibilities for continuing it. Either nine, if the assumption is that these are odd numbers, or eleven, if the assumption is that these are prime numbers. Okay? Who is more right? Let’s ask who here is the plain conservative and who is the midrashic conservative. The one who continues with nine, or the one who continues with eleven? What is the simple continuation, and what is the continuation that requires midrash?
[Speaker B] Nine is the simple one.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No—why? There’s a tendency like that, but the truth is I don’t see any real basis for it.
[Speaker C] No, they’re both midrashic, it’s just a question of which midrash you attribute to it.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Right. There is no continuation—neither of them is a simple continuation. It always involves some kind of interpretation. Again, again, there’s an echo here. You know what? Maybe it really is mute. Let’s mute everyone. Okay. Yes, now there really is no echo. So Wittgenstein’s claim, basically, is that there is no way to continue a rule in a simple way without interpretation. Every rule that you act on, that you try to follow, always involves some kind of interpretation. Yes, if you want we can keep torturing this even more.
[Speaker E] Do you see the…
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No. Huh? No,
[Speaker E] We can’t see it.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Fine, I won’t do that screen share because I’ll lose the previous recording
[Speaker F] that’s running here on my screen.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] By the way, about mute: whoever wants to speak, I suggest—wait—I suggest that whoever speaks should press the space bar. Okay? I muted everyone. Whoever speaks should press the space bar, and when you release it, the speaking stops. Again. Someone here opened their mic.
[Speaker B] Golan, Golan, you’re not on mute.
[Speaker G] No, no, it’s not me, I think it’s Yisrael Surisa.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Yes, fine, now everything is okay. So use the space bar, okay? Because the space bar puts it back on mute after you speak. Fine, anyway, Wittgenstein’s claim is broader. Basically, I write for you the series three, five, seven—the next number can be whatever you want. Not only nine or eleven; it could also be minus one-third, or a complex number if you want. Anything at all that you want. And it’s very easy to show that there is an interpretation that allows any continuation you want. Okay?
[Speaker G] What is this, postmodernism? Everything is possible?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] This is not postmodernism, it’s a fact of life. Postmodernism is a mistake. Here this is a fact of life; nobody can argue with it. The claim in the end—try to think: suppose I want three, five, seven, and I want the next number to be ten. Let’s say that. It could also be anything you want, as we said, but let’s say ten. How do I construct the rationale, the interpretation, that will give me the continuation I want? Very simple. I build a function of n. Let’s say a plus bn plus cn squared plus dn cubed, with four coefficients: a, b, c, and d. Okay? I want it so that when n equals one it gives three, when n equals two it gives five, when n equals three it gives seven, and when n equals four—because n is the number, n is the number—in the first place in the series it gives three, in the second place in the series it gives five, seven, and ten. There’s no problem finding four coefficients a, b, c, and d so that this is what comes out. Those are four equations with four unknowns. You can solve that without much trouble, and we can arrange a rationale for any continuation you want. Whoever wants can put minus one-third there, whoever wants can put ten there, whoever wants can put minus one hundred seventeen point four or i plus one—complex numbers. Whatever you want. You can propose an interpretation for any continuation. And that basically means that there is no rule in the world that you can follow without interpretation. Following a rule always involves interpretation. If we go back to the swimsuits, the one who keeps going with the swimsuit even in a cold area, he too is actually interpreting. His interpretation is what we might call the trivial interpretation: that the instruction is to walk around in a swimsuit in every situation. But that too is an interpretation. It’s not that he doesn’t need interpretation and the other one does interpretations—he too is interpreting. Even the interpretation of plain conservatism is a kind of interpretation. So formally, at least, there really is no true difference between interpretation—between midrashic conservatism and plain conservatism. The difference between these two is a function of, I would say, culture or context or whatever. There are certain contexts where somehow we all tend to understand that this interpretation is the plain one and that interpretation is the midrashic one. Okay? In our culture this seems like the simpler interpretation, but that is not at all something objective. On the objective level, every one of these options is an interpretation, and the interpretations can be whatever you want. That is the hermeneutic circle. In hermeneutics the problem always is that when you offer an interpretation of a book or a work—a work of art, a literary work, whatever it may be—what you have before you is the book itself. Once you take the facts that are in the book itself and offer them an interpretation, how will you know that the interpretation is correct? You need some kind of feedback that is not tied to the book in order to check whether the interpretation you proposed is correct or not, but you don’t have that. The only data you have is the book. So you are trapped inside a kind of hermeneutic circle; you can’t get out of it, because the basis that you are interpreting is also the only thing that can give you feedback on your interpretation. That is why, for example, academics try to bypass the interpretive circle and argue that when I interpret a Talmudic topic / passage or interpret Maimonides, I need to see the context. I need to know Maimonides the person, the context in which he operated, what influenced him, other manuscripts, because then I have independent sources that give me feedback on the interpretation I am proposing for the text. In contrast, the traditional learner interprets the text from within itself; he does not need context, he does not need comparison of textual versions, Maimonides’ biography—these are not tools used by the traditional interpreter. Okay. So again, that is the problem—the problem is that even the interpretation that seems plain to us is actually a kind of interpretation; it too is interpretation. And therefore the distinction between plain meaning and midrash in this context is very unclear. Yes, like they always say in the joke: plain meaning is my interpretation, and midrash is your interpretation. Okay? In other words, what is the difference between plain meaning and midrash? Plain meaning is what I say, and midrash is what you say. Because plain meaning—what I say—is the simplest and most correct thing, and of course the other person says the same thing, that plain meaning is what he says and midrash is what I say. In other words, it’s hard to decide objectively what is a plain interpretation and what is a midrashic interpretation. But if I ignore this broad philosophical issue and I am willing to enter into a context, then I am willing to accept that in a given context, continuing to go with swimsuits is the plain interpretation, and going with clothing suited to the weather is a midrashic interpretation. Okay? I think intuitively we can agree on that, even though philosophically one can attack that distinction. But intuitively we can agree—I think that’s the first connotation that comes up for us when we see these two interpretations. So this difference, if you look at it philosophically, is much less dichotomous, much less sharp, than I presented earlier. Okay, anyway, I still assume that this difference does exist. Now I want—I actually want to sharpen a bit more—actually, you know what, before I sharpen it more, I want to continue looking for the definition of the innovator. Yes, I’m going back to the swimsuit example and I want to ask: how do I identify the innovator? So my first suggestion was that those who want to switch to warm clothes are the innovators, and those who stay with swimsuits are the conservatives. But I rejected that. I said both are conservatives. The whole question is what they are conserving. So who is the Reform person in this situation? From what—what model or what claim that someone might make deserves to be called a Reform claim? The first two claims are both conservative: plain conservatism, midrashic conservatism. What is a Reform claim? So this is maybe the place to say: I—I want to wear warm clothes because I’m cold. Not because that’s what our ancestors said, and no, I’m not interested, I’m not rationalizing. I’m cold and that’s it, leave me alone already, as they say. That’s it, I’m not giving you a rationalization. Maybe many people would regard such a thing as a Reform claim, but the truth is that’s not correct. That’s a heretic, not Reform. In other words, this is someone who is not committed to the tradition of his ancestors. He doesn’t—he doesn’t need to look for explanations whether it fits the tradition or how it fits the tradition, because he is not loyal to tradition. Someone who is not loyal to tradition is not Reform; he is a heretic. He simply does not recognize—he is not committed to the system of rules. The first two models are people who are committed to the system of rules; one interprets it plainly, one interprets it midrashically, but both are committed to it. The third model that I proposed here is not a model of Reform; it is a model of the heretic. Someone who is not committed to the system of rules—he is outside the game. The Reform person, at least the initial intuition is, is inside the game. He is inside the game, he just has some claim different from the first two models. Is there such a thing? It seems as though either you wear warm clothes because you’re cold, and then you’re a heretic, or you wear warm clothes because the rule you are preserving is to wear clothing suitable to the weather, and then you’re a midrashic conservative. Or you keep wearing a swimsuit and then you’re a plain conservative. Is there another option? What—what else could there be to define the niche of the Reform person? This is a question that bothered me quite a lot when I started dealing with this logic of conservatism and innovation. How do you define the Reform person on the theoretical level? In other words, what is the theoretical definition of a Reform claim? Where is he located between the heretic and the two kinds of conservatives? If none of the three models up to now is Reform, then what is Reform? What else could there be? Don’t these three models cover all the possibilities? What else could there be? So I thought maybe the Reform person is someone who accepts some of the rules but not all of them. The model I proposed was a model of a single rule: you have to walk around with a swimsuit or with clothing suited to the weather. But there is a system of six hundred and thirteen commandments or many rules, so maybe the Reform person chooses for himself some of the rules—some he keeps, some he doesn’t. Maybe that’s Reform. That also doesn’t seem right, because that basically means that he is simply a heretic with respect to some of the rules and a conservative with respect to some of the other rules—either a midrashic conservative or a plain conservative. It’s only a combination of conservatism and heresy; it’s not Reform. The feeling is that Reform is another model; it’s not a combination of the first two but something fourth. Not a midrashic conservative, not a plain conservative, and not a heretic. So what is it? What remains? Someone who keeps part of the system and not part of it—that is not the definition of Reform. So what is?
[Speaker G] Like what actually happened among the Reform people—they took from the European environment and adapted themselves, like, however they dressed, that’s how we’ll dress, but inside Judaism, like they made some kind of mix.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] In words—tell me in our model. In what sense is that not a midrashic conservative, not a plain conservative, and not a heretic? What kind of claim is it? Talk in terms of the swimsuits.
[Speaker G] I don’t know. They just saw another public in the same area and somehow took from them, I don’t know, it’s hard to define.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] It doesn’t matter where they took it from. I’m asking what they claim. What do I care where they took it from? What are they claiming now? They took it, okay, the gentiles wear warm clothing, not swimsuits, in this region. So now they want to wear warm clothes. But the claim is not that the gentiles dress this way. The gentiles dressing this way is a source of inspiration. But when they make a claim, they have to make it inside the system. What are you claiming? Why do I need to switch from a swimsuit to warm clothing? Because tradition doesn’t obligate me? Then you’re a heretic. Because you have a different interpretation? Then you’re a midrashic conservative. What other model could there be?
[Speaker H] That it’s despite the tradition.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] I can’t hear?
[Speaker H] He could claim that it’s despite the tradition. In other words, because he’s hot—but despite the tradition. Like someone who—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] He’s not a heretic because he is committed to tradition.
[Speaker H] He is committed, he just decides against it. There is a difference between commitment—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Okay, I’m not sure I mean the same thing—maybe, maybe it’s the same thing. I’ll try to define it in my own way; tell me whether we agree or not. Maybe a methodological introduction, yes, that whenever you get stuck in a tangle of this kind, then—
[Speaker H] It’s basically the Rama paradox.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Right. I don’t know if it’s the Rama paradox, but rather there is what’s called the third way. Yes, when you are inside—you are in some conceptual framework in which your feeling is that there is another option that is none of the options placed before me. But on the other hand, in the picture I see in front of me, it looks as though that covers all the possibilities; there is no other niche into which another conception can be inserted. That is basically the kind of tangle I described here. And we’ve already encountered a lot of examples of this in the history of this lecture, because for me usually in almost every argument I get into I have that feeling, that the two sides in the argument are both wrong. Now the question is: but how—what is there besides those two sides? Either you agree or you don’t agree, right? Either you’re Religious Zionist or you’re not Zionist, Haredi. Right? What else could there be? Either you are Zionist or you are not Zionist. Or all kinds of things of that sort, right? But my feeling all the time, in almost every argument this happens, is that no. Even though it supposedly covers all the possibilities, it doesn’t—there is another option. And so I developed a whole set of tools for shattering dichotomies. In other words, how to show that a picture presented to me as if it were complete is in fact not complete. The most basic thing in this matter, the most fundamental tool in this matter—I have several toolboxes—but the most basic tool is actually based on a principle that the Maharal loved very much. Usually when you see two opposing positions, they always have something in common. Otherwise they would not be opposed. In other words, I don’t know, a raven is the opposite of a dove, because the raven is black and the dove is white. But a chair is not the opposite of a dove. Why? Because the raven and the dove are both birds, only this is a black bird and that is a white bird. Okay? A chair is not in the game. In other words, when you see two opposing things, it is always an opposition based on something shared. When there are two opposing things they belong to the same axis. It is the same scale: this measures one and that measures minus one, but they belong to the same scale. But something that is not on the scale is not opposed to either of them. That means that when you see two positions fighting, or two positions that are opposites of one another, usually—or maybe always—there will be something shared by both. And then what? That means you can attack that shared thing. If you attack that shared thing, then suddenly you will discover that other options start appearing besides the two that were put before you. Yes, for example, Religious Zionism or Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) ideology. Okay, so what can there be? I am a religious person, so either I am Zionist or I am not Zionist—what else could there be? What other option is there? So the answer is that there is another option. What do you mean? Because when you look at Religious Zionism, what is shared by Religious Zionism and Haredi society is an imperialist conception of religion, and therefore everything in the world is either part of religion or heresy. In other words, if Zionism is part of my religious faith, then I am a Religious Zionist. But if it is not part of my religious faith, then someone who is Zionist is a heretic, so I am Haredi. But there is a third option. The option that does not see the religious outlook as imperialist in the sense that it is supposed to cover the whole space of reality. It may be that there are areas of reality that are indifferent to the religious issue. Secular domains, yes—domains about which you can say whatever you want, even domains that have value, not just neutral domains that really don’t matter, but even domains of value—sometimes they are a lacuna within religious thought. Religious thought has nothing to say about it. Okay? And therefore you can be Religious Zionist, but your Zionism is not part of your religiosity. Like the famous joke. They always told me this with great pride, how the Rabbi of Ponevezh, Rabbi Kahaneman, the Rabbi of Ponevezh—the one who founded Ponevezh—he hung—he said, he did not recite Hallel on Israel Independence Day, but he also did not say Tachanun. So they asked him: what are you, Zionist or not Zionist? Meaning, if you are Zionist then you should both say Hallel and not say Tachanun. If you are not Zionist, then you should both say Tachanun and not say Hallel. What does it mean not to say Tachanun but also not to say Hallel? So he said: I’m Zionist like Ben-Gurion. Ben-Gurion also didn’t say Hallel and didn’t say Tachanun on Independence Day. So that’s a joke that the people of Bnei Brak really enjoy. What they don’t understand is that it’s not a joke. It’s a completely true statement. What the Rabbi of Ponevezh meant to say was that he was Zionist like Ben-Gurion. He was a secular Zionist. His Zionism was secular. But he was Zionist—he was not anti-Zionist, and he was not Religious Zionist. He was Zionist and religious, but his Zionism was not religious. That’s why he put a flag on the roof of the yeshiva on Independence Day every time. The journalist Gankhovsky once told me—I was with him on the Sabbath—that he once sat with the Rabbi of Ponevezh on the roof of the yeshiva to guard against the students so they wouldn’t steal it; they used to play the flag game there. They guarded the flag all day so the students wouldn’t steal it and take it down. He hung a flag on the yeshiva on Independence Day, and Rabbi Shach continued this, by the way. That was the tradition in Ponevezh. It seems to me that today they’ve already stopped doing it. Rabbi Shach was still strong enough to maintain that tradition; after him there were no figures strong enough, I think. In any case, what he basically meant to say was that the dichotomous picture presented to us—either Zionism is part of Judaism or it is against Judaism—that is not true. It can be outside Judaism, not part of Judaism, but not anti-, rather a neutral domain. Be a Zionist and at the same time be religious, and everything is fine. That is a third option that is opposed to both sides, because both sides advocate religious imperialism. In other words, there cannot be any domain toward which religion is indifferent. Either it supports it or it opposes it. There can’t be a domain that is religiously neutral. You can decide there according to your best understanding, okay? And I attack this agreed-upon dimension shared by the two warring sides, and suddenly I discover that there is also a third option. The map is not covered by the two options that are usually presented to us. And this is a model for many areas. This is what in political science is called the third way. The third way is always—there is right and there is left. There once used to be a party here by that name, but really it’s a concept in political science. The third way is always when they present you with two options: either you’re right-wing or you’re left-wing. Today people already know there is a center, but exactly how to define it isn’t clear. The claim is that in the dichotomy between right and left there is something shared that I reject, and then entirely different paths can open up. And so on. There is a whole toolbox of ways to shatter dichotomies. And one of those tools is what someone here mentioned earlier: the heap paradox. The heap paradox is a logical tool for shattering dichotomies. What does that mean?
[Speaker G] According to that, is, say, a British Zionist a Reform person in this sense? I didn’t get it. Say a British Zionist like Balfour—is he sort of Reform in this terminology? Why Reform?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No, I haven’t yet arrived at the definition of Reform. No—he’s Jewish and he’s not religious.
[Speaker G] I didn’t define it—isn’t that Reform?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] I don’t define myself as Reform, but I do define myself as a secular Zionist. No, I don’t identify that with Reform. I only used it to demonstrate the logic; now I’m getting to Reform. Okay? That was just an example of the logic, not—now I’m going to apply the logic to our case. What happens in the heap paradox? The heap paradox is actually a whole series of paradoxes like this, which say: one pebble is not a heap. If there is a collection of stones that is not a heap, and you add one stone to it, that does not change its status. But a million pebbles are a heap. Now these three claims seem reasonable, but together they are a paradox, right? In other words, if one pebble is not a heap, and adding one stone doesn’t change the status, then how does it become a heap at a million? Starting from one, add another stone—it’s still not a heap because adding one stone doesn’t change anything. What, is there some number—seven hundred and one thousand three hundred and forty-two? From there on it’s a heap? That makes no sense. Clearly that’s not right. So what is happening here? Or yes: from when is it afternoon? My children’s million-dollar question. Right? In the afternoon you’re allowed to go play in the yard, but at noon you’re not—the neighbors are resting, you’re not allowed to make noise. Okay? From when is it afternoon? For Americans, afternoon is twelve oh one. But in Israel, “afternoon” is an amorphous concept. Why? Because obviously if you add one second to noon, that doesn’t turn it into afternoon. But on the other hand, five o’clock is already afternoon. Twelve is noon, five is already afternoon. Adding one second doesn’t change the status, so when does it become afternoon? Or when does a certain color on the spectrum change from one color to another? From red to yellow. When do you pass from red to yellow? It’s some continuous transition. Adding half an angstrom to the wavelength won’t change the color. So how does the color nevertheless change in the end? And so on. For any concept you want, I can formulate a heap paradox. From when is someone bald? How many hairs count as bald or not bald? Okay? A person with one hair is bald. A bald person to whom you add one hair does not change his status. But a person with a million hairs is not bald. I don’t know how many there are—many, okay. He is not bald. So when does that happen? And so on. The answer to this is that this collection of paradoxes basically assumes a dichotomous view: that a pile of stones is either a heap or not a heap. But that’s not true. A pile of stones is a heap at some level, on a continuous scale of heap-ness. Say between zero and one. Its degree of heap-ness is zero, zero point one, zero point twelve, zero point three, zero point forty-four, zero point fifty-six of heap-ness, up to one. One means a complete heap. In other words, heap-ness is measured on a continuous scale, not on a scale of zero or one, binary. And then I simply say: adding one pebble changes the degree of heap-ness. It makes it a little more of a heap. That’s all. Then everything is fine; that solves all the heap paradoxes. What do the heap paradoxes actually assume? They assume that our conceptual system is dichotomous. Either it is noon or it is afternoon. Either he is bald or hairy, either it is a heap or it is not a heap. But no—our conceptual system is measured on a continuous scale. And assuming the binary picture is a failure, yes? Various dilemma arguments. There is no point in giving exams. Why? Because a lazy person won’t study even if there is an exam, and a diligent person studies even without an exam. So what’s the point of giving exams? It doesn’t help anyone. Where is the failure here? That there are people in the world who are not pathologically diligent and not pathologically lazy. They are somewhere on the spectrum between diligence and laziness, and there the existence of an exam will motivate them to study more than they would study without an exam. It is true that at the extreme level, absolutely diligent people study even without an exam, and absolutely lazy people don’t study even with an exam. But there is a continuum of levels of laziness or diligence between zero and one, and on that continuum an exam can definitely motivate. And so on. For any concept you want, dilemma arguments, which have a kind of charm—they always sound terribly persuasive—but they all fail because of the dichotomous assumption. The dichotomous assumption is probably not correct in most cases. Why am I saying this? Because in this context—it’s a tool for cracking dichotomies, yes? It’s another tool from the toolbox I talked about earlier. My claim is that when we looked at the picture of a midrashic conservative, a plain conservative, or a heretic, we were basically assuming a dichotomous logic, binary. Either you accept the system or you don’t accept the system. But if someone comes and says, look, I am committed to the rule of our ancestors—never mind right now whether in its midrashic form or its plain form. You know what? In its plain form. I’m a plain conservative. I say that the tradition of our ancestors is to walk around in a swimsuit in all weather. But as far as I’m concerned there are other considerations or interests or values, it doesn’t matter, but another kind of consideration. And sometimes those considerations will override my commitment to tradition, because my commitment to tradition is not absolute. I am not a heretic. A heretic is someone for whom tradition does not matter, he is not committed to it and doesn’t care. He is not conservative in the sense that tradition is not the only thing in his world. He is committed to tradition—it is one of his values—but he has other values as well. He is not totally committed to tradition, not at any price, whether a price in values or a price in comfort or whatever it may be. Each person according to his own definitions—his commitment to tradition is not full. That is the Reform person. The Reform person is someone whose commitment to tradition is neither zero nor one. If it is zero, he is a heretic; if it is one, he is a conservative—plain or midrashic.
[Speaker C] So are we all Reform then?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Sometimes there is—if it’s something in the middle, then he is Reform.
[Speaker C] No, but if that’s the case then we’re all Reform. There are sometimes conflicts, like you talk a lot about Jewish law and ethics / morality, and about between Jewish law and ethics / morality, and we accept values that are outside tradition.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No, there is no such thing as values outside tradition.
[Speaker C] Is there only Judaism in the world? In my world at least there is Judaism and there is life and there is ethics / morality and there is—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Not in mine.
[Speaker C] What does that mean?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] For me, every value that exists here is part of my Judaism. I don’t have non-Jewish values. I have values that are not halakhic, but not values that are not Jewish. Yes, things whose source is the Holy One, blessed be He, yes, as someone here is pointing out. Morality has no validity if its source is not the Holy One, blessed be He. So morality too is the will of the Holy One, blessed be He. It’s not part of Jewish law, but from my perspective it is part of serving God.
[Speaker C] Okay, and does a Reform Jew have something that’s outside Judaism and not just outside Jewish law?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Yes, either outside Jewish law or, again, it could even just be convenience. His commitment… my commitment to the tradition is complete. Except that it may be overridden by other values to which I’m also fully committed. For the Reform Jew, the commitment to the system from the outset is not complete. And therefore I think that really where it conflicts with values, then it’s actually much harder to define someone as Reform. Where it conflicts with interests or convenience, it’s easier. Because there it’s clear that the commitment is not full. An Orthodox person can also fail when it’s inconvenient, but he doesn’t turn that into an ideology, okay? The claim is that incomplete commitment is basically, I think, the model of a Reform Jew.
[Speaker C] Meaning, an a priori commitment that isn’t full.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Right. Not absolute, not one but zero point—
[Speaker G] Seven or zero point eight. They’ll say that’s not true, of course.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] What? I didn’t hear.
[Speaker G] They’ll say that’s not true, that they are committed.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] If they say that, then in my classification they’re not Reform.
[Speaker G] So who really is Reform, then?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] What does “really” mean? In my classification, I laid out my classification. The claim ultimately is this: I can, say, take the accepted sociological classification—Reform, Orthodox, Haredi, Religious Zionist, or Modern Orthodox, all those sociological groups—and try to map them onto the logical map that I drew here. Some of them are easy to map. Heretics are heretics, not committed to the system; that’s easy to map. The simple conservative, ostensibly, is the Haredi. He wears the clothes his ancestors wore, he continues the tradition of his ancestors and doesn’t change it even when circumstances change. The interpretive conservative is the Modern Orthodox. Modern Orthodox basically says: the circumstances changed; the true continuation of the tradition is to wear a warm coat, not a bathing suit. That’s the real continuation. The Haredi is the criminal, because he doesn’t observe the tradition even though he does exactly what our ancestors did. But under the circumstances that prevail now, what the tradition of our ancestors means is to behave differently, to wear a warm coat, not to wear a bathing suit. Okay, so Modern Orthodox is the interpretive conservative. Reform are those who apparently are not absolutely committed to the system. But they’re not heretics. The tradition matters to them, it speaks to them, okay, it matters—but not at any price. It’s not full commitment. Now look, this identification—and I’ll get back to this later at length—but this identification is one you have to be very careful with. Because what I’m identifying here is not people but arguments. Now I made a leap into sociology. Sociology already deals with people or groups. But you have to be very careful. Later in this series I’ll take various arguments of Reform thinkers, for example, in Jewish law, and I’ll try to show you that some of those arguments are strictly Orthodox arguments. The fact that it appears in a Reform rabbi’s book doesn’t mean anything. The argument, in its logical character, is an Orthodox argument; it’s an argument of interpretive conservatism. And there are arguments that are Reform arguments.
[Speaker I] But wait, according to what you’re explaining, that doesn’t explain the characteristics of the Reform Jew. For example, if you have a commandment that doesn’t conflict with other non-halakhic values—say, what value conflicts with the obligation to wash one’s hands before bread? And still you see they don’t do it.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] That’s exactly what I’m saying, which is why they’re Reform. If there were a value that conflicted with it and therefore they didn’t do it, they would be Orthodox. Because that would be a conflict between values. A conflict between values exists among Orthodox Jews too—basically only among Orthodox Jews. That’s exactly the point. But they don’t do it because they’re not fully committed, not at any price. Not because there’s another value that overrides this one.
[Speaker B] I think there’s no difference in values between the Orthodox, the Haredim, the Religious Zionists, and the Haredim. They’re committed to all the commandments, to all the values; they don’t say only part.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No, this is simple conservatism and this is interpretive conservatism. That’s exactly the point. They’re both conservative, they’re both committed to the system. The whole question is: what is the system to which we are committed?
[Speaker B] No, I’m saying the Reform, by contrast, are not committed to the whole system.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Right, that’s what I’m saying. So there are simple conservatives and interpretive conservatives, both of whom are completely committed to the system.
[Speaker B] So put all of them on the same side of the scale—the Haredim, the Orthodox, yes, the Religious Zionists, all on one side, and the Reform on the other.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No, no, it’s not a question of one side or not one side. I laid out several models. There’s the simple conservative, there’s the interpretive conservative; both are conservative, but they’re still different conceptions.
[Speaker B] But both explain all the values. The Reform say no, no, we know there are these values, we don’t accept them. Right. The Reform too—the interpretive or the simple—accept all the values.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Correct, agreed, that’s exactly how I defined the models, exactly, right. Now notice two remarks about this map. Again, before the two remarks, I want to emphasize: what I characterized here are types of arguments, not people and groups. There can be people who sociologically belong to the Reform movement and raise Orthodox arguments. There can be people who sociologically belong to Orthodoxy and raise Reform arguments. Because people are not always coherent. That’s why I think one should discuss arguments, not people. I only made the sociological characterization so we’d understand what the discussion is pointing toward. Later I’ll get into examples. For now I just want this theoretical map that I drew here to come down a bit to earth. That’s why I made this identification. But you have to be precise: this is not about people, it’s about arguments. If a Reform person raises an argument that belongs to interpretive conservatism, it’s a completely legitimate argument; it should be discussed. Why should I care that the person who raised it is Reform? It should be discussed. Is it right, is it wrong. A Reform argument I don’t agree with, so I have nothing to discuss. So I don’t care who the person is who raises the argument; I care what the argument is. That’s a very important point. Now, two remarks about this map. The first remark is that there really are no simple conservatives, following from Wittgenstein, which I explained earlier. Simple conservatism is the Haredi ethos; it is not Haredism. Haredism sells itself, and others, the line that they are simple conservatives, that they do exactly what our ancestors did, and that every single thing that even a novice student will one day innovate was shown by the Holy One, blessed be He, to Moses at Sinai. Yes, my uncle—the example I always give from my uncle—who says that Abaye and Rava surely studied in Yiddish. The Iraqis, right? They surely studied in Yiddish. Why? Because they knew how to learn. Whoever knows how to learn, learns in Yiddish, right, that’s obvious. Now, he knows it’s not true, but that is definitely his ethos. His ethos is that they wore a shtreimel and a gartel and studied in Yiddish. He knows that’s not historically true, which is why I say he’s not focused, but the Haredi ethos is living in contradiction. The more clear-headed among them know it’s nonsense, but they go on living within that consciousness. The less clear-headed also think it’s true, that Moses our teacher wore a shtreimel and a gartel. That all the Jewish laws we keep now are what the Holy One, blessed be He, gave Moses at Sinai. A lot more people would sign onto that than onto the shtreimel and gartel. That too is nonsense in tomato juice, of course. But that is the Haredi ethos. The Haredi ethos is that we don’t change anything. Therefore we wear clothes that were customary in Poland two hundred years ago. Right, it’s hot here in the Land of Israel, it doesn’t suit the climate here, so what? We continue with our bathing suit, our kapoteh. To continue with a bathing suit in a cold region is like continuing with a warm coat in a hot region. You dress uncomfortably because you are faithful to the tradition of your ancestors. Now why do I go without a shtreimel and a gartel? I too am faithful to the tradition of my ancestors, only I say: I wear clothing suited to the climate. Here the moral is already very close to the metaphor. Of course, the clothes are not important, but here there are already expressions that are very close to the metaphor within the moral. But the ethos—the Haredi ethos—is an ethos of simple conservatism. They are not really simple conservatives; they are constantly changing and of course are totally different from what earlier generations of Haredim were. They’re not aware of it and don’t admit it. So their ethos is an ethos of simple conservatism, but they themselves are interpretive conservatives. And the difference between them and the Modern Orthodox is a difference of dosage.
[Speaker C] It’s not a difference of strategy.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] How many interpretations you make and how far-reaching those interpretations are, that’s all. Rabbi?
[Speaker C] Yes. Sorry, but I didn’t understand the nuance.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] What didn’t you understand?
[Speaker C] I didn’t understand the distinction you’re making; I didn’t understand what this first remark adds to the lecture.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] I’m claiming that the Haredim—there really are no simple conservatives in the world.
[Speaker C] Yes, that follows from Wittgenstein. Okay.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] It’s an implication of what we had in Wittgenstein, and now I’m claiming it factually, empirically. There aren’t any. You don’t know any type who is a simple conservative, because there is no such thing. They always change. There is no one who does not change and interpret the tradition he received. There is no one who truly behaves as our ancestors behaved. There is an ethos of simple conservatism. The Haredi ethos is one of simple conservatism. It’s like—you know, once I saw someone write, some student in Yeshivat Chevron, a young guy, wrote some heated polemic against Rabbi Sherlo, this was many years ago. “Which rabbis did you apprentice under? There are no great Torah leaders at all—you didn’t apprentice under the great Torah leaders, who are you?” I nearly died laughing when I read that nonsense, because the path he was defending is such a novel path, far more novel than Rabbi Sherlo’s path. The path of the Kav, right? The yeshivot of the Kav. But they constantly speak in the name of tradition and of apprenticing under Torah scholars, and the others are basically Reform. It’s like—yes, after all, for them tradition begins and ends with Rabbi Kook. Moses received the Torah at Sinai and transmitted it to Rabbi Kook. And from their perspective, therefore, this teaching of the Kav came directly from Moses our teacher, what they call “the faith of our times,” was given to Moses at Sinai. And they don’t understand that it is so different from everything that was done in previous generations, that when they speak in the name of continuing the tradition, of apprenticing under Torah scholars, and so on, you don’t know whether to laugh or cry. By the way, the Briskers are the same. Yes, exactly. The Briskers are the same. The Briskers constantly speak in the name of tradition—that’s the most common word in Brisker journalism. Tradition, tradition, we go only with tradition. Their tradition started a hundred years ago with Rabbi Chaim, who made a crazy revolution against what had been practiced before him. Both in analytic Torah study and also in actual halakhic ruling. But they constantly speak in the name of tradition. My feeling is that this is some kind of projection, maybe even psychological projection. Right? A person understands that he’s actually following a completely new path, and he sells himself the line that he is supposedly continuing the tradition. He lives in an ethos of simplistic conservatism, and then attacks everyone else—who are in fact much closer to the tradition than he is—as deviating from the tradition, because the tradition is Rabbi Kook or Rabbi Chaim. Anyone who doesn’t act like them is deviating from tradition. Why? He is much closer to Moses our teacher than Rabbi Kook or Rabbi Chaim. Yes, but he’s not Rabbi Kook or Rabbi Chaim. So very often there is a terrible dissonance. You live within an ethos that you are the ultimate simple conservative, that you do exactly, you behave exactly as Moses our teacher behaved, while in fact you are the greatest innovator. This is what Yaakov Katz indeed wrote quite a bit about: that Orthodoxy is a modern invention. The Orthodox conception is a modern invention. There used not to be an Orthodox conception. There was Judaism; it was a kind of natural thing. Orthodoxy is an ideology, it’s a party, it’s formulated rules. In the past, among Jews there were no formulated rules. Yes, Maimonides tried to make thirteen principles—also a somewhat dubious attempt. But people didn’t work with—it wasn’t “this is our life” in the ideological sense; our lives were Jewish lives. It wasn’t a manifesto, it wasn’t an ideology. Our era is an ideological era. So there is a Reform ideology, and in response an Orthodox ideology was created. Both phenomena are new.
[Speaker F] In the lecture we keep talking about tradition— in this context, do you mean the same thing by tradition and Jewish law?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] No, there is halakhic tradition; there are different kinds of traditions. In Jewish law there is the halakhic tradition. Of course I’m aiming ultimately to get to halakhic conservatism and innovation, but right now I’m still dealing with concepts; this is conceptual analysis. Another point I still want to get to today, though it took me much longer than I thought, is where to place the Conservatives. We haven’t talked about them yet. What do you say?
[Speaker G] Say what they do that’s so different; I’m not so familiar.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] What are Conservatives? Conservatives are, yes, sort of upgraded Reform. Between Reform and Orthodox.
[Speaker I] The Conservatives shifted their position a bit; they moved a lot to the left in the 1980s. They used to be more like Modern Orthodox; today they’re Reform, just a bit more conservative.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Not only did they move, but there’s no such thing as “they.” There are, after all, many shades. But broadly speaking, when I want to present on the map of arguments—not of people—a Conservative argument, there is no such thing. It’s interpretive conservatism. Modern Orthodox and Conservative are the same thing. There’s a difference of dosage, a difference in how far you go or which sources you regard as binding or not binding, but in terms of the logic of the argument, it’s an argument of interpretive conservatism—both of them, it’s the same thing. There’s no difference. By the way, most Conservative arguments—not all, but most Conservative arguments—can certainly also be found in the halakhic literature of Modern Orthodoxy.
[Speaker F] For example, the argument that it’s better to drive on the Sabbath provided that you get to synagogue—that’s something many Conservatives say. Okay. Is that interpretive exegesis?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] It could be, yes. It depends; you can get into the details and see. The question is what the prohibition involved is; the question is how far you permit prohibitions for the sake of—what do you mean, today Orthodox rabbis, which by the way was not the case twenty years ago, many Orthodox rabbis today will tell you this argument. Rabbi Aviner wrote it. Rabbi Aviner came back from a trip abroad and wrote: I learned there that they are right. It’s not like in Israel; abroad you need to encourage people to come by car to synagogue. I saw it with my own eyes. Not to mention inviting a secular person to come visit me by car on the Sabbath. Quite a few Orthodox halakhic decisors today permit that.
[Speaker C] Because it’s a value-based consideration, not a halakhic consideration.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Okay. No, but that he should come to him by car on the Sabbath—“do not place a stumbling block.”
[Speaker C] Yes, he says that halakhically it would be forbidden, it is basically forbidden, but since there is a value that he come to synagogue—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] You understand that when a halakhic decisor says that, then it’s not a Reform argument? So the decisor is making a meta-halakhic consideration, perfectly fine. That is to say, the Conserva—what I want to say is that on the map of arguments, as distinct from the sociological map, which is always more complex, on the map of arguments there is no place for a Conservative argument; there is no such argument. Conservatives sometimes raise Reform arguments, sometimes arguments of interpretive conservatives. By the way, usually those of interpretive conservatives. Conservatism is Modern Orthodoxy at the far left edge, that’s all, but at the principled level it’s the same thing: Modern Orthodox. By the way, Religious Zionism was mentioned earlier; Religious Zionism isn’t on this map at all. What’s on this map is Modern Orthodoxy, because Modern Orthodoxy is a way of relating to arguments and halakhic rulings. Religious Zionism is not a conception that concerns how I view Jewish law; Religious Zionism is an ideology concerning Zionism, that’s all. There are many Religious Zionists who are also Modern Orthodox, maybe, fine, that can be. But Religious Zionism is not on this map at all. Just as the difference between Belz Hasidism and Vizhnitz Hasidism is not on this map. It’s not relevant. Okay? That’s a dispute within a certain halakhic area; it’s not a dispute about the form of halakhic argumentation. This map describes the types of arguments in halakhic interpretation or halakhic debate. Okay? And on this map there is—I don’t think there is room for another kind of argument. There’s the heretic, who isn’t in the game. There’s the Reform Jew, who is in the game but not fully. There’s the interpretive conservative and the simple conservative. I don’t think there is another type of argument. And I’ll try to go through various arguments—one or two came up here, but I’ll bring more. There’s a book by a Reform rabbi named Moshe Zemer called Halakhah Sane. I once read it and saw many arguments there, and that was the first time it really made the penny drop for me that a large part of them I could have signed my name to and written myself in an Orthodox halakhic discussion. Others may say I’m not Orthodox either, doesn’t matter, but it could appear there. And I’ll want to go through some of his arguments and try to illustrate these points later. But up to here I’ve sketched the map of arguments, and again I emphasize: this is a map of arguments. Sociology, of course, is divided up with some affinity to these arguments, but the affinity is far from airtight. Therefore, when someone raises an argument, don’t look at the color of his gartel. Try to examine the character of the argument. It doesn’t matter who he is; what matters is the argument he raises. And we’ll get back to that later. Okay, I’ll stop here. Comments or questions?
[Speaker E] Thank you very much, Sabbath peace.
[Speaker F] Why not “Sabbath peace”? There’s—
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Here—
[Speaker F] a new student here, age four.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] Oh, nice.
[Speaker G] A small question: why did you say regarding a secular person, “do not place a stumbling block”? He knows it’s forbidden and still wants to come.
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] “Do not place a stumbling block” also applies to someone who knows—you hand a cup of wine to a Nazirite, and he knows he’s forbidden to drink wine. You hand a cup of wine to a Nazirite—that’s the example in the Talmud for “before the blind.”
[Speaker G] “Before the blind,”
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] we’re talking about a Nazirite who knows he’s forbidden to drink wine.
[Speaker G] His impulse just overcame him, so you shouldn’t give it to him?
[Rabbi Michael Abraham] His impulse overcame him—what difference does that make? Bottom line, he knows. Okay, thanks, goodbye, Sabbath peace, thanks—
[Speaker G] a lot.